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THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE CHINESE EMPIRE
AU righu reserved
N
THE INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS OF THE
CHINESE EMPIRE
BY
Hose A Ballou J^orse, ll.d.
AUTHOR or *'thb tradk and administration of china" "thb gilds op china," btc.
VOLUME II THE PERIOD OF SUBMISSION
1861-1893
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS. DIAOBAM8 AND MAPS
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA
1918
PBnrau) or aaiAT bbetaxn bt
BAlgLL. «4n0« AOD ?!«■¥. LD., LOITDON AMD 4TLIiBUBT.
284579
• • •
PREFATORY NOTE
TO VOLUMES n AND in
On finishing, in 1910, the first volume of this history I labelled it " The Period of Confiict " for two reasons. I was not, at the time, fully assured that I should be able to continue it beyond the year, 1860, then reached, and was consequently reluctant to mark it as the first of a series which might not be completed. Besides this, how- ever, I was so strongly impressed by the continuity of the conflict between China and the West, from the day of Lord Napier's arrival in 1884 to the final settlement made by the several conventions of Peking in 1860, that to me, as I wrote, the sub-title seemed an essential part of the title.
I have now carried the history of the International Relations of the Chinese Empire more or less completely to the downfall of the empire in 1912. As I wrote it, I was impressed, as strongly as in writing the first volume, by a*^ marked division into two periods. In the first, from 1860 to the outbreak of the war between China and Japan, the Chinese government accepted submissively the results of the treaty settlement of 1858 and 1860 ; the semi- autonomous provinces might, and did, try to regain, by interpretation of treaties, rights of taxation and adminis- tration which had been lost by war and negotiation ; but, on the whole, the central administration accepted the treaties and tried to carry out their provisions. On the other hand, during those twenty-five years, no national attempt was made to reform the administration of the empire, to organise its resources, or to strengthen its defences ; and, when the empire came to the test, it was found wanting. The second volume, covering the history of these years, I have felt impelled to label " The Period of Submission."
After this the downward progression of the empire was
.4-
VI PBEFATORY NOTE
rapid. The result of the war with Japan ; the aggressive action of foreign powers in seizing enclaves in 1898 ; the mad episode of the Boxer outbreak in 1900 ; the war in 1904r-5 between two foreign powers, fought on Chinese soil to decide which of the two should dominate three provinces of the empire, while China looked on helpless ; these followed in rapid succession to demonstrate the disorganisation and.powerlessness of the empire; and at the end of each of the four episodes China could only accept such terms as were imposed on her. The Manchu Empire of the Tsing was abased and discredited, and, after futile and belated attempts at constitutional reform,^ it fell, leaving to the republic which succeeded it a heritage of corrupt administration and a status of subjection to the foreign powers. The third volume, covering this period, I have labelled " The Period of Subjection.'*
In xmdertaking this work my first idea was to make my central figures Sir Robert Hart and the great Customs Service which he had organised, and, with them as the connecting thread, to work out the history of China's international relations. With those relations both the man and the service were, under the empire, in constant touch ; and when I wrote to Sir Robert Hart for his approval and support, he expressed his approval of the idea, but in characteristically modest terms :
" I know that I have been in touoh with the launching and introduction of almost everything done the last four dozen years, and the long retention of the same man, myself, in the same position. Inspector Qeneral, has not only made for continuity, but has also given me a sort of causative appearance, while, as a matter of fact, I have been for the most part but a ' fly on the wheel ' of evolution. Therefore it would be unwise to make too much of me, while, at the same time, my name and career might perhaps be as appropriate a centre as you could find for logical, chronological, and artistic grouping of China's doings and movements during the last half- century of her national life, and advance from seclusion and exclu- sion towards what later historians will recognise both as world power and world influence. Further, having spent so many years in China your8elf« you have an acquaintance with both the matter eind form of the innemess of things that haj*dly any other with similar quali- fications could commcmd, and I should like to live long enough to read the book you propose writing, for I am sure it will be well done, and well worth perusal and study. I fear, however, even an advance copy will have to be addressed to ' Paradise Row, Hades, to be called for I * " [R. Hart to H. B. Morse, Peking, Dec. 20th, 1906.J
PBEFATOBY NOTE Vll
He then gave me permission to use his letters and des«. patches ; his diary^ (74 volumes) he wished first to look through, in order that he might write a memorandxmi for my guidance in using it — " However, as I propose going home next year before summer, and shall take the said journals with me, I'll try to have them in readiness to hand to you as a loan when you arrive in Europe yourself."
In the end I did not get the diary, and some important blocks of letters were not at my disposal ; and without this missing material it would be out of the question to write the historical biography which I had planned. I have therefore, to my great regret, been compelled to substitute a history for the biography, but a history which, from point to point, I have been able to illustrate by the comments of Sir Robert Hart, culled from the correspond- ence which I have had placed at my disposal. To those recipients of Sir Robert Hart's letters who have joined with the writer of the letters in allowing me to use this material, I beg to express my deep sense of obligation.
In the preface to the first volume, " The Period of Conflict," I explained that it was my " intention to give the events of the period such relative importance as they deserve ; to lay no undue stress on picturesque episodes, even though they might help to lighten the narrative ; and, knowingly, to omit none of those minor occurrences which, dull and uninteresting though they might be, were still important elements in moulding the opinions and guiding the actions of the principal actors on the scene." The same course has been followed in these volumes. The siege of the legations at Peking in 1900 is a noteworthy example. The temptation was strong to write a pic- turesque and detailed accoimt of the most startling event in the century then just closing, in which the siege of the Residency at Lucknow is perhaps the only event which can be placed in the same category. Full accounts have, however, been given to the public by others, to whose writings I have referred the reader in my footnotes ; and, if I had duplicated their work, the true object of my writing would have been missed. The general reader might, perhaps, prefer the striking narrative ; but to the serious student of history the one important object is to work out the causes of acts and the motives of the actors.
yiU PBEFATORY NOTE
and these can only be seen from a comparison of the syn- chronism of events occurring within Peking, at Tientsin, on the Yangtze and at Shanghai, and in the capitals of the foreign powers allied temporarily to rescue their besieged envoys. Synchronous events I have tried to bring together, hoping that the student will prefer this method, even at the cost of interrupting the flow of the narrative of occurrences at any one place.
Instructed friends of China have generally been hopeful of her future. Among them it may confidently be said that the most friendly and the wisest in counsel was Sir Robert Hart, who, in the letter cited above, wrote as follows : "I am not down-hearted about the future . . . of this country. . . . The country will stagger onwards through all sorts of mistakes, but it will be an advance always, and, provided wisdom increases with strength, I don't think the latter will be misused more than, or even as much as is the case, elsewhere." This present history demonstrates, in its writer's opinion, that the Manchus con- tributed but little to the reorganisation and development of their empire; and that advance — progress — reform must proceed from the work of the government or govern- ments which will follow the Ta-Tsing dynasty. That reform and development may bring an end to corruption, disorganisation and weakness is the fervent wish of every friend of China.
My thanks are due to several of my friends who have read over some chapters narrating events in which they were principals, and whose suggestions have been of great value. For the Period of Conflict I was much indebted to the criticism of my friend, the late Mr. William Cart- wright ; and for these later volumes, covering the period of his work in China, his suggestions and criticisms must have been of the greatest value.
I beg also to express my sense of obligation to the British Foreign Office and the American State Department which generously placed at my disposal their published papers relating to China.
H, B, M, Cambebioy, October 1917«
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFATORY NOTE
PAOS
V
ILLUSTRATIONS. DIAGRAMS, AND MAPS.
CXBRONOLOGY OF VOLS. U AND HI
ZZUl
NOTE ON CURRENCY, WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
. xliii
CORRIGENDA
xlv
CHAPTER I
THE INSPECTORS OF CUSTOMS AT SHANGHAI
1. Chineee exaotionB on shipping ...... 1
2. ExaotionB on merchants* goods ...... 2
3. The Chinese fiscal system ....... 3
4. The Canton Hopi>o 4
6. Privileges secured to foreigners under treaties, 1842-44 6
6. Deterioration in standard of foreign traders .... 7
7. Development of general smuggling ...... 8
8. Cases <k ships Lady Mary Wood and John Dugdale ... 8
9. Divergence of governmental and mercantile view ... 9
10. Government's view found untenable ..... 10
11. Action taken in consequence . . . .11
12. Shanghai city taken by rebels, settlements declared neutral,
Sept. 1853 12
13. The Taotai a refugee in the settlements . . .13
14. English and American merchants give bonds for duties 14
15. Giving of bonds discontinued . . .15
16. General evewion of customs duties . . .16
17. Inland custom houses established ; protest made .17
18. Shanghai practically a free port ...... 17
19. Bonds of £higlish merchants cancelled . . .19
20. Bonds of American merchants paid in part .... 20
21. Mr. Rutherford Alcock characterised .21
22. Agxeementtoappointforeigninspectorsofcustoms, June 29, 1854 22
23. System introduced July 12 ; Taotai degraded and banished 24
•
IX
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER n
THE INSPECTORATE GENERAL OF CUSTOMS
1. System of Inspeoton of Customs at Shanghai saooessful .
2. Authority of the Inspectors flouted ....
3. American merchants urge abolition ; English generally support
4. Refusal to pay duties at Foochow, 1856 ....
5. System extended to all i>orts, 1858 . ....
6. Mr. H. N. Lay, his merits and demerits ....
7. Mr. Lay, having organised customs, appointed Inspector General
Jan. 21, 1861
8. Mr. Lay takes leave ; Mr. R. Hart acting in his place, June 30
9. Mr. Lay instructed to buy and equip fleet, March 14, 1862
10. National ensign adopted ......
11. Question raised as to Mr. Lay's authority
12. Agreement between Mr. Lay and Captain Sherard Osbom
Jan. 16, 1863
13. Their motives in making the agreement .
14. Agreement disavowed by Chinese government, July 8 16. Qovemment unable to act otherwise ....
16. Captain Osbom resolves to disband the force, Oct. 15
17. British envoy approves ; ships sent to England
18. Captain Osbom's conduct generally approved .
19. Mr. Lay's conduct condenmed by British envoy
20. Also strongly condemned by Chinese government .
21. Mr. Lay dismissed from his post, Nov. 16
22. Mr. Robert Hart appointed Inspector General of customs .
PASS
25 26 28 29 30 31
32 34 34 35 36
37
38
39
40
40
42
42
44
46
46
46
^ CHAPTER ni THE COUP D'£tAT
1. Foreign envoys adopt policy of co-operation
2. Prussian envoy signs treaty, Sept. 2, 1861
3. Residence in Peking denied to Prussian envoy .
4. Court continues to maintain belligerent attitude
5. Conspiracy at Jehol to seize the power
6. Yehonala, her life and influence ....
7. Power of Yehonala and Prince Kung undermined .
8. Death of Hienfeng ; board of regency created, Aug. 22
9. Strength of precedent adverse to plans of regents
10. Opposition growing in Peking
11. Arrest of co-regents, Nov. 4
12. The two empresses appointed co-regents
13. Reorganisation of the administration
14. Punieiiment of the conspirators
15. Irregularity of Yehonala's position forces^her to abandon anti
foreign policy
16. Relations of Yehonala with Prince Kung
17. Change in imperial policy acceptable to Chinese and foreigner
alike
49 50 51 52 52 64 64 55 56 67 67 58 59 59
60 62
63
TABIS OF CONTENTS
XI
CHAPTER IV THB TAIPINO REBELLION : WARD
1. International interest in the rBbellion
2. Taiinng operations during 1860 and 1861
3. Tseng Kwo-fan and Li Hung-chang
4. Improved spirit among imperialists 6. Aid given by foreign nations to imperialists
6. Ward captures Sungkiang by assault, July 17, 1860
7. Ward gains oonfidenoe of Chinese merchants .
8. Nienfei at Chefoo driven off bv Adm. Frotet, Oct. 9, 1861
9. Rebels approach Shanghai ; defeated by Ward and allied troops,
Jan.-)iaroh, 1862
10. Ward's force favorably viewed by foreign representatives .
1 1. Shanghai thirty-mile radius cleared of Taipings
12. Renewed successes of Taipings, Hay-nTune
13. Ningpo taken by Capt. Dew, May 10 ; death of Ward, Sept. 21
14. Appreciation of Wa^'s character ..... 1 6. Settiement of Ward's claims on Chinese government .
16. Burgevine in command of Ever- victorious Army
17. Thirty-mile radius again cleared of Taipings, Oct.-Nov. .
18. Burgevine takes high-handed action, Jan. 4, 1863
19. Burgevine dismissed ; Holland in temporary command, Jan. 16
20. Burgsvine's subsequent career
64 65 66 67 68 69 71 72
78
74 76 76 78 79 81 83 83 84 86 87
CHAPTER V THB TAIPINO REBELLION: OORDON
1. Foreign support given more freely to imperial cause ... 90
2. Articles for better administration of Ever- victorious Army . . 91
3. Holland in command, Jan. 1 5 ; defeated at Taitsang, Feb. 1 5, 1 863 92
4. Gordon in command, Mareh 24 ...... 93
6. Force acoepts Gordon unwillingly ...... 94
6. Fushan, Changshu, Taitsang, April 2-May 1 . .94
7. Capture of Kunshan, May 27-June 1 ..... 96
8. Third mutiny of Ever- victorious Army ..... 96
9. Gordon captures Kiapu and Wukiang, July 27-29 97
10. Burgevine deserts from Taipings ; Soochow isolated ; Oct. 98
11. Soochow surrendered, Dec. 4 ...... 99
12. The surrendered Taiping wangs executed, Dec. 6 . . . 100
13. Point of view and defence of Chinese authorities 101
14. Anger of Gordon ; control of force withdrawn from Chinese . 102 16. Chinese and foreign expreseions of opinion .... 104
16. Gordon resolves to resume active operations .... 106
17. Capture of Ihing and Liyang, Feb. 29-March 9; defeat at
Kintan, March 20, 1864 107
18. Captureof Hashing, Mareh 20, and Hangchow, March 31 . 107
19. Combat of Hwaiahu, April 1 1 ; capture of Changchow, May 1 1 108
20. Ever-victorious Army disbanded 109
21. FaU of Nanking, Julv 19 110
22. Final efforts of Taipmg forces 110
Xll
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER VI
THE CO-OPERATiy£ POLICY. THE SHANGHAI
MUNICIPALITY
1. Subsequent rebeUiomi ; the bubonic plague
2. Provincial authorities not under effective control
3. Advice and help given by foreign envoys .
4. Prussian minister's residence in Peking still deferred .
5. Portugal makes treaty, Aug. 13, 1862 ; not ratified .
6. Treaties made with Denmark and the Netherlands, 1863
7. French claim to concession at Ningpo rejected, Aug. 1862
8. French municipality instituted at Shanghai, May 1862
9. Large influx of Chinese into settlements at Shanghai .
10. American and Eng^sh settlements amalgamated, Sept. 1863
11. Proposal to make Shanghw a free city un&r protection of foreign
^>owers, July 1862
12. Opimon of ministers on jurisdiction over Chinese
13. New scheme of municipal administration .
14. Failure to secure representation of Chinese 16. Opinion of ministers that Chinese government
on Chinese .....
16. Denial of right to impose imperial taxes .
17. Consular jurisdiction in concessions rejected
18. Consular jurisdiction : British and American
19. Consular jurisdiction : French
20. Consulckr jurisdiction : other nations
21. Jurisdiction over men not represented by consuls
22. Mixed court created for jurisdiction over Chinese
23. Municipcd control over foreigners weak .
24. Sundry municipal events ....
25. Ministers protest against failure to carry out treaty 'provisions.
Summary of results of co-operation .....
may impose tcuces
113 116 116 116 116 117 118 119 120 122
124 124 125 126
127 128 129 129 130 131 132 132 134 135
136
CHAPTER Vn •^DEFINITION OF CUSTOMS AUTHORITY
1. Inspectorate disliked by Chinese, supported by foreign envoys
2. Effect of Mr. Hart*s personality ....
3. Cosmopolitan character of customs service
4. Mercantile hostility to jurisdiction of customs . 6. Consular hostility to jurisdiction of customs .
6. Claim of Hongkong Supreme Court to intervene
7. Customs jurisdiction over confiscation cases .
8. Trading at non-treaty ports .....
9. Difficulties connected with inlfimd taxation
10. Confiict between imperial and provincial interests .
11. Court of joint investigation established .
12. Coast-trade duty fixed at a half-duty
13. Coasting trade not legally open to foreigners .
14. Coasting trade ultimately absorbed by foreign ships . 16. Wholesome influence of Mr. Burlingame and Sir F. Bruce
16. Mr. Hart's influence in revenue matters •
17. Application of tonnage dues to lights
18. Regulation of pilotage
138 139 140 141 142 144 146 147 148 149 151 152 154 166 158 158 159 160
TABLE OF CON11SNT8
• •• XIU
GQOAFTER Vm •^EMIGRATION
1. Emigration from China prohibited '.
2. UnlioenBed emigration to Amatio lands
3. Beginnings of trans-oceanio emigration
4. Abiiaes of recmiting 6. Restraint in the depots .
6. Trade profitable to shipowners
7. Mortality' on the voyaffe
8. Suiddee and mutinies by emigrants
9 . Emigration of Chineee women
10. Difficulties of controlling recruitment
11. Emigration sanctioned and regulated at Canton, 1860
12. Coolie- trade virtually slavery in Cuba and Peru
13. Anglo-Franoo-Chineae emigration convention, 1866
14. Contract emigration gravitates to Macao .
15. Horrors of service in Cuba
16. Prohibition of emigration from ICacao, 1876
17. Growing hostility to Chinese in United States
18. American-Chinese emigration treaty, 1880
19. Present attitude of Axxbdrica and Cmna .
PAOI
163
164
165
166
168
160
170
171
173
173
175
176
177
177
178
180
181
183
184
CHAPTER IX v'TrHE BUBLINOAME MISSION
1. Hopes cmtertained for reform in China ..... 185
2. Decimon to send a delegate, Pinohun, abroad, 1866 . . .186
3. Pinchun*s journey and his discontent . .187
4. Mr. Burlingame appointed head of a new mission, Nov. 1867 188
5. The step taken on Mr. Hart's initiative 189
6. Mr. Hart's reasons for his advice ...... 190
7. True reasons influencing the Chinese government .191
8. The mission starts filled with hope, Feb. 1868 . . .193
9. Mr. Burlingame' s speeches, effect in America and in China . . 1 94
10. 8upplen»entary treaty signed at Washington, July 28 .195
11. Treaty defective and inconclusive . . . . .196
12. Mission obtains a reversal of policy of British government,
Dec. 28, 1868 197
13. Course through northern Europe ; death of Mr. Burlingame,
Feb. 11, 1870 198
14. A man of grand conceptions ; his mission a failure . .199
15. New policy disapproved by foreigners in China . 200
1 6. Mr. J. Ross Browne : opinions on policy, first disapproved, then
adopted by American government . .201
1 7. Mr. Hart's contemporaneous opinion ..... 202
CHAPTER X i/tBJELATY REVISION, 1869
1. General dissatisfaction with treaty of 1858
2. Attitude of the two parties ....
3. Circular of Tsungli Yaman . a . .
204 205 206
XIV
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAOB
4. Appraoiation of Tseng Kwo-fan and Li Hung-ohang . . 206
6. Memorial of Tseng Kwo-fan 208
6. Hemorial of Li Hung-ohang 209
7. Memorial of Hongkong merchants . • 210
8. lilemorial of Shanghai merchants 211
9. Sir R. Alcook advises delay in revision 212
10. British government postpones full revision .... 214
11. Partial revision : convention signed Oct. 23, 1809 .216
12. Summary of provisions of convention . . . .216
13. General protests against the convention . . . .216
14. The principcd objections to it . . . . . .218
16. Ratification refused by British government . .218
CHAPTER XI
•CHINESE HOSTHJTT TO MI8SI0NABIE8
1. Foreign merchants, missionaries and opium equally unwelcome . 220
2. Reasons for disliking the missionary 221
3. Claim to reside in the interior ...... 222
4. Intolerance of Christianity in 1869 ...... 223
6. Revival of intolerance in 1868 223
6. Attacks on Catholic missions, 1867-69 224
7. Attack on missions at Taiwanfu, April, 1868 .... 224
8. Blissionary trouble at Chefoo, April, 1868 .... 226
9. Attack on mission at Yangchow, Aug., 1868 .... 226
10. Settlement of this case 227
11. Opinion of British government on use of force . 228
12. Naval intervention at Foochow, Jan., 1869 . 229
13. Force requisitioned but not used at Wuchang, Oct., 1868 . . 230
14. Attack on merchants at Tamsui, Oct. 1868 .... 230 16. Attack on naval forces at Swatow, Jan., 1869 . .231
16. No further attacks on English missionaries .... 233
17. Attacks on Catholic missions in 1869 233
18. Journeys of French minister, 1869-70 234
19. Hostile placard from Hunan, Sept., 1869 . • 236
20. Fear and rage of the Chinese people 236
CHAPTER Xn
i^^THE TIENTSIN MASSACBE
1. First news of massacre of June 21, 1870 239
2. French detested at Tientsin 240
3. Dangerous philanthropic action of sisters of mercy . . 241
4. Rumours of kidnapping of children ..... 242 6. Growing hostility of people . . 243
6. Dissension between consul and officials ..... 244
7. Assassination of consul, M. H. y. Fontanier .... 246
8. The Tientsin massacre ........ 246
TABLE OF CONTENTS
XV
PAOB
9. Danger of Other foreigners at Tientsin ..... 246
10. General unrest throughout China ...... 247
1 1. Agitation at Nanking ; viceroy assassinated .... 248
12. Foreign residents cry for venge€Uice ..... 249
13. Chinese officials held responsible ...... 250
14. Collective note of protest by foreign envoys .... 252
15. Prompt response of Chinese government ..... 252
1 6. Funeral of victims of massacre ...... 253
17. Extent of French demands for redress . . .254
18. Settlement offered by Chinese government .... 255
19. The punishments inflicted ....... 267
20. Chunghow's mission of apology ...... 258
21. Foreign comment on the settlement ..... 258
22. Results accomplished by negotiations ..... 260
CHAPTER Xni
•IHAJOBITY, AUDIENCE AND DEATH OF TUNOCHIH
1. China reluctant 1^ make any change
2. French proposals for treaty revision ; failure
3. Majority and marriage of emperor .
4. Foreign envoys demand aa audience
5. Audience granted to envoys, June 29, 1873
6. Form of audience unsatisfactory .
7. Origin of the Formosan difficulty .
8. Japan sends an expedition, May, 1874
9. China then asserts claim to jurisdiction .
10. Japan plcu^ed in false position
11. Attitude of Western powers .
12. Settlement of question effected, Oct. 31, 1874
13. Significance of episode for China .
14. The Wusung Bar, first stage .
15. The Shanghai riot, May 3, 1874 .
16. Political troubles in China in 1874 .
17. Death of Emperor Tungchih, Jan. 12, 1875
18. Selection of Emperor Kwanghsu .
19. Significance of this selection .
262 264 264 266 267 269 270 271 272 272 273 274 275 275 276 277 279 279 281
CHAPTER XIV
•^THE CHEFOO CONVENTION, 1876
1. Trade routes from China to the west ..... 283
2. Characteristics of south-western China ..... 284
3. Routes of penetration into Yunnan ..... 285
4. Exploring force sent under Colonel Browne, 1874 . 286
5. Expedition resisted ; Mr. Margary murdered, Feb. 21, 1875 . 287
6. Evidences of premeditation in the attack .... 287
7. Disturbed condition of Yunnan cuid its borders .288
8. Question of responsibility of provincial authorities . 290
9. British envoy demands redress, March 19 . . 291
10. Partial acceptance by Chinese ministers ..... 292
11. Mr. Orosvenor's mission ; inconclusive result . 293
II— A
XVI
TABLE OF CONTENTS
12. Opportunity seized to make eztraneous dexnandB
13. Demands not generally approved by other envoys
14. Demands again preferred, Aug. 11, 1875.
16. Chinese ministers resent the tone of British envoy
16. Mr. Wade's " frequent loss of temper in argument"
17. Mr. Wade's conduct of the negotiations .
18. Sir T. Wade and Li Hung-chang plenipotentiaries
Aug. 1876 . . . . • .
19. Chefoo convention signed, Sept. 13
20. Convention : Settlement of the Yunnan case
21. Convention : -Official Intercourse .
22. Convention : Trade ....
23. Criticism and approval of terms of settlement
24. Sir T. Wade obtained all his demands 26. Settlement not accepted by Western powers 26. Mr. Hart entitled to largest share in credit
at Chefoo,
294 295 296 296 297 298
299 300 301 302 302 303 303 304 305
CHAPTER XV SUNDRY EVENTS, 1875-1888
1. Visitations of flood, drought and locusts, 1876 .
2. Famine in Shansi and other provinces, 1876-78
3. Effect on the resources of China .
4. China's reluctance to borrow . 6. Drain on the imperial tresisury
6. Kwo Sung-tao first envoy to London, 1877
7. Legations established in other capitals, 1878
8. Beginnings of Chinese industrial development 9 Beginnings of foreign industrial development
10. Conditions at Shanghai, 1870-77 .
11. The Wusung Bar : second stage, 1880-82
12. The Page case. Canton, 1880 .
13. Action teUcen consequent thereon .
14. The Logan case, Canton, 1883
15. Incompatibility of English and Chinese law
16. Political changes in China, 1872-81
17. Political 8tatu3 of Liuchiu Islands, 1875-81
18. First steps for revision of German treaty, 1876
19. Opposition of provincial authorities to use of transit
20. Revival of proposed surtax on imports .
21. German convention, signed March 21, 1880
22. Characteristics of this convention .
23. American and other treaties .
passes
307 308 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 317 318 319 320 320 321 321 322 323 324 325 326 326
CHAPTER XVI
RUSSIA AND ILI
1. Early history of the New Dominion
2. Revolt of Yakub Beg, Dunganis and Ili, 1864 .
3. Campaign of Tso Tsung-tang, 1867-78 .
4. Russian occupation of Ili, 1871
5. Chunghow's mission ; treaty of Livadia, Sept., 1879
328 330 330 331 332
TABLE OF CONTENTS
XVU
FAOB
6. Ghunghow oondemned to death ; protests .... 382
7. Warlike spirit and preparations in China ..... 333
8. Gordon invited to Peking, June, 1880 334
9. Gordon's advice to Chinese ministers ..... 336
10. Chnnghow reprieved ; Marquis Tseng appointed ambcMsador . 336
11. Crisis causes introduction of telegraphs ..... 336
12. Marquis Tseng's negotiations ...... 337
13. Treaty of St. Petersburg, Feb., 1881 338
14. Effect on China of the diplomatic triumph .... 338
CHAPTER XVn
^
FRANCE AND TONOKINO
1. China surrounded by vassal states .
2. Tributary position of Annam
3. Franco-Spanish treaty with Annam, June 5, 1862
4. Mekong and Red River routes into Yunnan
5. Francis Gamier seizes Hanoi, Nov. 20, 1873
6. Treaty of Saigon, March 15, 1874 . ...
7. France claims overlordship ; China protests
8. Efforts of King of Annam to escape, 1876-81 .
9. Chinese diplomatic protests, 1880-82
10. Black Flags ; their constitution and position .
11. H. L. Rividxe seizes Hanoi, March 26, 1 882
12. France votes war credit for Tongking, May 16, 1883
13. Treaty of Hu6, Aug. 26 ; Annamese question settled
14. China asserts her suzerainty over Annam 16. Capture of Sontay and Baoninh, Deo. 1883-March 1884
16. Li-Foumierconvention, May 11, 1884
17. French force defeated at Bacl^, June 23 .
18. French ultimatum, July 12 ; negotiations opened, July 28
19. Kelung forts silenced, Aug. 6 .
20. DifBculties of peace party in China .
21. The relative positions at Foochow .
22. Chinese fleet and forts destroyed at Foochow, Aug. 23
23. State of war and state of reprisals .
24. Occupation of Kelung ; defence of Formosa
25. Blockade of coasts of Formosa, Oct. 23 .
26. Rice declared contraband of war ; British protest
27. Diplomatic efforts during 1884 . . .
28. Sir R. Hart negotiates direct with M. Ferry
29. Protocol signed April 4, 1886 ; treaty signed June 9
30. Credit assigned for the peace ....
340
341
342
343
344
346
346
346
347
348
349
360
361
361
362
368
364
365
366
367
367
369
860
360
361
362
363
864
366
366
CHAPTER XVni
HONGKONG AND BiACAO
1. Sir R. Hart appointed British envoy, March-J\me, 1885
2. His wish to be succeeded by Mr. J. H. Hart
3. Other candidates for the succession
4. Sir R. Hart remains at head of customs .
6. Burmaconvention, July 24, 1886 ....
368 369 370 371 372
xvm
TABLE OF CONTENTS
6. America returns balance of 1858 indemnity
7. Anti-Chineae riots in America; anti-missionary hostility in
China; 1885-86
8. Attitude of governments to hostile feeling
9. Attempts to regulate conmiercial questions
10. Status of opium as regards taxation
11. Anti- opium agitation revived in England, 1881
12. American treaty prohibiting opiimi trade, Nov. 17, 1880
1 3. Taxation of opium in foreign settlements .
14. Additional article to Chefoo convention, July 18, 1885
15. Hongkong a smuggling centre ....
16. FiscfiJ status of Hongkong .....
17. The '* Blockade of Hongkong ** considered
18. Sir R. Hart's reluctance to intervene
19. Blockade remains under control of Hoppo
20. Hongkong continues to protest ....
21. Hongkong opium agreement, Sept. 11, 1886 .
22. Resultant gain to Hongkong €Uid China .
23. Status of Macao considered .....
24. Protocol and treaty with Portugal, March 26, Dec. 1, 1887
25. Hongkong and Macao junk trade under Inspectorate
26. Summary of events of four years ....
PASB
373
373 374 374 375 376 877 877 379 380 880 381 382 383 884 884 386 386 887 388 889
»^ CHAPTER XIX
(/the YEABS of PEACE, 1886-1894, AND THE DEVELOPMENT
OF TRADE
1. Great civilisation of China arrested ..... 390
2. Hopes entertained by China's friends ..... 391
3. " China : the Sleep and the Awakening '* 392
4. Shapeof Chinese flag changed in 1889 393
5. China's conservative policy in borrowing ..... 393
6. Increase of foreign shipping in China trade .... 394
7. Comment on shipping table ....... 394
8. Position of Hongkong as a port .396
9. Development of foreign import trade ..... 397
10. Distribution of imports by countries of provenance . 398
1 1. Opium and cotton manufactures ...... 398
12. Other foreign commodities ....... 400
13. Development of foreign export trade ..... 402
14. Distribution of exports by countries of destination . .402
15. Tea 403
16. Silk 405
17. Other Chinese produce 406
18. Vioissitudee of silver exchange . .407
19. Constant fluctuations disorganise trade 407
20. Renewal of anti-missionary riots, 1891 409
21. Disorder checked by foreign intervention .410
22. Agreements with France, 1886-95 411
23. Agreements with England, 1890-97 411
24. Development of the newly opened ports . . .412
25. Envoys admitted to audience on unsatisfactory terms .413
26. First audience on satisfactory terms, Nov. 12, 1894 . .414
27. Chinese complacency required a shook . .415
tabi;e of contents xix
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A
PAOB POUTXOAI. RXLATXOire OF FOSEIONXRS WITH THX CHOtESm. DSflPATOH
OF Anbok Bttbunoaxx, PsKDiro, June 16th, 1864 . .419
APPENDIX B
MmCOBAlTDtTlC OONOSBNINO THS AfPIJOATION OF MONKTB OOLX^BOTED
▲a ToNKAOB DtncB ibok Fobeion Sheffiko bt thb Chxkbsb QoYKBMMBST. B. Habt, Pbxiko, MoToh 2l8t, 1871 424
APPENDIX C
Rbflt of J. Ross Bbownb to an Addbbss PBBSBinnD bt thb Ambbioan and Enoush Mbbchaiyts at Shanghai, July 17th, 1869 429
APPENDIX D
PROPOSAIiS FOB THB BbTTBB RbOUIJLTIONOF COUKEBOIALRbLATIONS.
R. Habt, Pbkino, Jan. 23rd, 1876 440
APPENDIX E
Proglaxation bt Liu Yuno-fu, thb Black Flag Chibf. May,
1883 474
APPENDIX F
An Aooount of Ofbbations bt H.M.S. " Bittebn " against a
Pxratioai. Fixkt in 1855 475
APPENDIX O
Qross Valxtb of the Tbade at each Chinesb Pobt opened to
Fobeion Trade in 1905 479
ILLUSTRATIONS
Thb Emfbbss Dowaobb Tzehi
FrorUiapiece
From a portntt painted in 1908 bj Miss Katharine A. Oarl, and preflented by ^^^ BmpreM In 1904 to the American People. IBeprodooed by the kind permisekm of the artist and of The Oentnry Oo., New York.
Mk. Robxbt Habt nr 1866 ....
From a photograph bj J. E. Hayall, Begent Street, liondon.
Tbxko Kwo-tak
From a family portrait in the possession of the $rd liarqnis.
. 144
208
TlBMTSZN CaTHBDBAIi
From a photograph taken in 1871 .
260
DIAGRAMS
GxirBAix)oiGAii Table of thb Impsbial Familt
282
DiAOBAM 8HOWIKO COUBSB OF ExOHAKOB .
. 408
MAPS
Thb Taifiko DoMDnov, 1860-1864 .
ThB COtnSTBT AB0X7VD SHANGHAI
TiXHTsnr, 1870
Map of Chika .
64
80
240
At end of Vol. Ill
CHRONOLOGY
1858-1912
1853. Sept. 7ih. Shanghai city takea by Triad rebels. Sept. 17th. Bonds required for customs duties. Oct. 28th. Bond system declared inoperative.
1854. May. Customs offices established inland, around
Shanghai. June 29th. Agreement to appoint Inspectors of customs. July 12th. Reopening of Shanghai custom-house under
Inspectors.
1855. Feb. 17th. Triad rebels driven from Shanghai city.
1856. Oct. 8th. Outrage on lorcha Arrow at Canton. 1856. June. Treaties of Tientsin signed.
Sept. France and Spain enter on war with Annaxn.
Nov. 8th. Rules of Trade and teuriff agreed to.
1859. Oct. Cemton custom-house opened by Mr. H. N. Lay.
1860. Feb. Contract emigration sanctioned at Canton
and Swatow. July. Tseng Kwo-fan appointed viceroy and High
Conunissioner. July 17th. F. T. Ward captures Sungkiang by assault. Sept. 22qd. Court fled from Peking to Jehol. Oct.-Nov. Conventions of Peking signed.
1861. Jem. 21st. Mr. H. N. Lay appointed Inspector General of
Customs.
March 25th. Foreign envoys enter into residence at Peking.
June 30th. Mr. R. Hart and Mr. O. H. Fitz-Roy in tem- porary charge of customs.
Aug. 22nd. Death of Emperor Hienfeng ; accession of
Tungchih ; Board of Regency appointed.
Sept. 2nd. Prussian and North German treaty signed at
Tientsin.
Nov. 4th. Tzehi and Prince Kung usurp control of govern- ment; Tzehi and Tze-an empresses- dow£kger-regent.
Nov. 8th. Sushun and princes executed ; other ez-regents
degraded.
Dec. 9th. Ningpo taken by Taiping forces.
1862. Tungwenkwan (School of Languages) estab-
lished at
zxiii
XXIV CHRONOLOGY
1862. Jan. 11th. Taiping foroee threaten Shanghai and Song-
kiang. Jan. 15th. Latter dSeated by Ward at Kwangfuling. Feb. 26th. Former defeated by mixed foroe at Kaokiao
(Elajow). March let. Taipings defeated at Ncmkiao (Najow) ; title
of " Ever-VictoriouB Army " bestowed on
Ward's force. Thirty-mile radius around
Shanghai marked out. March 4th. Russo-Chinese convention regulating land trade . March 14th. Mr. Lay instructed to equip a steam fleet. April. Mixed force clears country around Shanghai.
May 10th. Ningpo recaptured by British and French
ships. May 13th. Separate French settlement at Shanghai
organised. May 17th. Action at Nankiao ; French adm. Protet
kiUed. June 6th. Franco-Sispano-Annamese treaty signed at
Saigon. July. Li Hung-chang appointed governor of Kiangsu.
July. Franco-Chinese contingent formed.
Aug. 11th. Yiiyao taken by mixed force. Aug. 13th. Portuguese treaty signed ; ratification refused. Aug. 26th. Shanghai threatened by Taiping force. Sept. 21st. Tzeki taken by assault ; Ward mortally
wounded. Oct. Li Hung-chang assumes control of E.-V. Army.
Burgevine appointed to command. Oct. 24th. Kiating taken by mixed force. Nov. 19th. E.-V. Army routs Taipings at Paihokang. Nov. 28th. Franco-Chinese contingent takes Shangyu.
1863. Jan. 16th. Burgevine dismissed ; Holland in t^mp. com-
mand of E.-V. Army. Jan. 17th. Franco-Chinese contingent repulsed at Shaoh-
ing ; Le Brethon killed. Feb. 10th. E.-V. Army defeated at Taitsang. March 18th. Franco-Chinese contingent takes Shaohing. March 26th. Gordon assumes command of E.-V. Army. April 2nd. E.-V. Army brecbks up siege of Changshu. May 1st. E.-V. Army takes Taitecmg by assault. June 1st. E.-V. Army takes Kunshan. July 13th. Danish treaty signed at Tientsin. July 20th. Foreign merchants eusk permission to build
Shanghai-Soochow railway. July 27th. E.-V. Army takes Wukiang. Aug. 2nd. Burgevine enters Taiping service. Aug. 23rd. Macartney's Sungkicuig levies take Fengking. Sept. Osbom and Anglo-Chinese fleet arrive in China.
Sept. 21st. English and American settlements at Shanghai
amalgamated.
CHRONOLOGY XXV
1868. Oct. 0th. Netherlands treaty signed at Tientsin.
Oot. 15th-17th. Burgeyine and followers surrender to
Gordon. Nov. 15th. Mr. Lay dismissed ; Mr. Hart appointed
Inspector Generai. Dec. 4th. Soochow surrendered to imperiaUsts. Dec. 5th. Eight Taiping leaders beheaded by Li Hung-
chang. Doc. 9th. Gordon removes E.-V. Army from Chinese
control.
1864. Rising in Turkestan against Chinese govern-
ment.
Jan. 30th. Gordon and E.-V. Army again take the field.
March 1st. E.-V. Army takes Thing.
March 20th. E.-V. Army repulsed at Kintan.
March 20th. Lnperialists under Chen take Kashing.
March 31st. Frcmco-Chineee force and imperialists take
Hangchow.
April 11th. E.-V. Army defeats Taipings at Hwaishu.
May 11th. E.-V. Army takes Changchow by assault.
May 31st. E.-V. Army mustered out at Kunshan.
June. Burgevine agcun joins Taipings.
July 10th. Tseng Kwo-fan takes Nanking ; Taipings
' disperse.
Oct. 7th. Russo-Chinese protocol of Chuguchak de- limiting frontier.
Oct. 10th. Spanish treaty signed at Tientsin.
1865. Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation
founded.
Shanghal-Wusung rculway first projected.
April. First degradation of Prince Kung.
May. Burgevine taken prisoner and done to death.
Aug. Lispectorate of Customs definitely established
at Peking. Nov. 2nd. Belgian treaty signed at Peking.
1866. Pinchun accompanies Mr. Hart to Europe.
Mohammedan rebellion in Hi.
Takub Beg ruler over Kashgar and Yarkand.
Dtmgani rebellion in eastern Turkestan and
Kansu.
March 5th. Anglo-Franco-Chinese convention on Emigra- tion signed ; not ratified.
Oct. 26th. Italian treaty signed at Peking.
Oct.-Nov. French naval expedition to Korea.
1867. — *- Tso Tsung-tang opens campaign against re-
bellion in north-west.
Jan. American war-ship visits Korea.
May 28th. British envoy caUs for reports on treaty re- vision.
June. Three provinces of Cochinchina annexed by
France.
XXVI
CHRONOLOGY
1867. Oct. 12th. Deo. 31st.
1868. March. June 28th.
July 28th. Aug.
Aug. 22nd. Deo. 28th.
1869.
1870.
1871.
1872.
April 27th.
May. May.
June. Sept.
Sept. 2nd. Oct. 23rd.
Nov. 17th.
Jan. 16th.
Feb. 23rd. May. June 2l8t.
July-Aug. Aug. 3rd. Aug. 24th. Oot. 19th.
May-July. June 3rd. Aug.
Sept. 13th. Nov. 23rd.
Maroh. Sept.-Nov. Oot. 16th.
Tdungli Tamen issues oironlar on treaty re- vision. Mr. A. Burlmgame, Ghihkang and Sun Ghia-ka
commissioned as Envoys Extraordinary. American war-ship visits Korea. Mr. Burlingame's " Plcmt the Shining Gross '*
speech at New Tork. American-Chinese treaty signed at Washington. Nienfei in Shantung routed by Li Hung-chang. Anti-missionary riot at Tangchow. Lord Clarendon's declaration of British policy
in China. Second disgrace of Prince Kung. Russo-Chinese convention regulating land trade
signed at Peking. Russian war-ship visits Korea. British government postpones full treaty
revision. German diplomatic essay in Korea. Anti-Chnstian manifesto ememating from
Hunan. Austro-Hungarian trieaty signed at Peking. Anglo-Chinese convention signed at Peking;
not ratified. Suez Canal opened to traffic. Beginning of Tso Tsung-tcmg's siege of Suchow,
Kansu. Bismarck's declaration of Qerman policy in
China. Death of Burlingame at St. Petersburg. Reports of kidnapping at Tientsin. Massacre of French consul emd others at
Tientsin. Unrest at Nanking and elsewhere. Funeral of victims of Tientsin massacre. Viceroy at Nanking assassinated. Execution of sixteen Chinese convicted of
Tientsin murders. Russian troops occupy Kuldja and territory
of m.
American naval expedition to Korea. Telegraph cable opened to Shanghai. Imp. decree sanctions Educaticmal Mission to
U.S.A. Japanese-Chinese treaty signed at Tientsin. Chunghow declares China's regret to Pres.
Thiers. Death of Tseng Kwo-fan. Shanghai-Wusung tramway projected. French attempt at treaty revision. Marrieige of Emperor Tungchih.
CHRONOLOGY XXVll
1873. Equipment of emigrant ships at Hon^ong
prohibited. China Merchants Steam Navigation Co. founded .
Feb. 23rd. Regency ended ; Tungchih assumes govern- ment.
June 20th. Envoys received in audience for first time.
Oct. Suchow, Kcmsu, taken by Tso Tsung-tang.
Nov. 20th. Gamier takes citadel of Hanoi by assault.
1874. Commission of inquiry into condition of emi-
grcmts to Cuba.
March. China prohibits emigration from Macao.
March I5th. Franco-Annamese treaty of Peace and Alliance
signed at Saigon.
April. Japanese expedition to Formosa.
May 3rd. Riot in French settlement at Shanghai.
June 26th. Peruvian treaty signed at Peking.
Aug. 22nd. Mr. Margary left Shanghai for Burma frontier.
Aug. 31st. Franco-Annamese commercial treaty signed.
Sept. Third degradation of Prince Kung.
Oct. 31st. Chinese-Japanese agreement regarding For- mosa. 1876. Tso Tsung-tang halts at Hami to grow corn.
Jan. 12th. Death of Tungchih ; accession of Kwanghsii ;
resumption of regency by Tzehi.
Jem. 17th. Mr. Margary arrives at Bhcuno.
Feb. 6th. Col. Browne's expedition leaves Bhamo.
Feb. 21st. Margary and five Chinese murdered.
Feb. 26th. Col. Browne's expedition returns to Bhamo.
March. Portugal prohibits emigration from Macao.
March 19th. British envoy formulates terms of reparation.
May. Japan asserts jurisdiction over Liuchiu Islands.
Aug. 11th. British envoy increases his demcmds on China.
1876. Beginning of great Shansi famine.
Jan. Japanese naval expedition to Korea.
Feb. 23rd. Chinese protest against Shanghai-Wusung
railway. Feb. 26th. Treaty signed between Japan emd Korea. March. Germany moves for revision of treaty with
China. March 20th. Inquiry at Yunnanfu into murder of Margary. May 26th. Death of Wensiang.
June. British envoy strikes legation flag at Peking.
June 30th. First trains run on Shanghai-Wusung railway. Sept. 13th. Anglo-Chinese convention signed at Chefoo. Oct. 24th. Chinese authorities buy Shanghai-Wusung
railway. Nov. Manets taken by Tso Tsung-tang ; end of
Dungani rebellion.
1877. Winter. Yakub Beg defeated at Turf an and Korla. Feb. 8th. First Chinese envoy to London presents cre- dentials.
XXVUl
CHRONOLOGY
1877.
1878.
1880.
1881.
May. Autumn.
I Oot. 2l8t.
Nov. 17th.
Nov. 28th.
Jan. 2nd.
May 6th.
July. Oct. 28th.
Deo. 1879. Jan. 20th.
Sept. 16th. Nov. 8th. Jan. 3rd. March 3rd.
March 2l8t. June 4th. July 30th. Aug. 9th. Oct. 26th.
Nov. Nov. 17th.
Nov. 17th.
1882.
Feb. 15th. Feb. 24th.
AprQ 9th. May 24th.
June 9th. July.
Oct. 3rd. Dec. Ist. March 25th. May 22nd.
Death of Yakub Beg.
Kashgar and Yarkand taken by Tso Tsung- tang.
Wusung railway handed over to Chinese ; torn up.
Spanish convention on Emigration to Cuba signed at Peking.
First Chinese envoy to Berlin presenjbs cre- dentials.
Kaiping coal mine opened.
Khotan taken by Tso Tsung-tang; rebellion ended.
First Chinese envoy to Paris presents cre- dentials.
Russia sunmioned to restore 111 to China.
First Chinese envoy to Washington presents credentials.
Customs Postal Department opened.
Chunghow presents credentials at St. Peters- burg.
Russo-Chinese treaty on Hi signed at Livadia.
Foreign legations urge reform of inland transit.
Treaty of Livadia denounced by China.
Chunghow condemned to death ; later re- prieved.
Qerman-Chinese convention signed at Peking.
C. Q. Gordon invited to China.
Tseng Ki-tse arrives in St. Petersburg.
Gordon leaves Peking.
E. Page, customs officer on duty, shoots a Chinese.
Telegraph land lines sanctioned by imp. decree.
American-Chinese treaty on emigration signed at Peking.
American-Chinese treaty on commeree signed at Peking.
Tongshan tramway completed.
Educational Mission to U.S.A. recalled.
Trial of E. Page for manslaughter.
Russo-Chinese treaty on Ili signed at St. Peters- burg.
Death of Empress-dowager Tace-an.
Li Hung-chang writes letter denouncing opium trade.
First trip of TJie Rocket of China.
China recognises Japanese jurisdiction over Liuchiu.
Brazilian treaty signed at Tientsin.
First telegraph line, Shanghai-Tientsin, opened.
Rividre occupies Hanoi by a garrison.
Treaty signed between .^jnerica and Korea.
CHRONOLOGY
1882. July 23rd.
1883. Spring.
Spring.
May 15th. Aug. 12th. Aug. 25th. Sept. 10th. Dec. 16th.
1884. Apra 8th. May 11th. June 6th. June 23rd. July 12th. Aug. 5th. Aug. 23rd. Oot. 23rd. Dec. 4th. Dec. 5th.
1885. March 3rd.
Feb. 26th. April 4th. Apra 18th.
May 12th. June 9th. June 10th.
Summer. July 18th.
Aug. 15th.
Sept. 5th. Oct.
Nov. 2nd. Dec.
1886.
1887.
AprU 25th. July 24th. Sept. 11th. Jan.
t
Anti-Japanese riot at S^oul, Korea.
Yuen Shih-kai appointed Chinese Besident at
Seoul. Mr. P. G. von Mollendorff Chief Commissioner
of Korean customs, rench Chamber votes credit for Tongking war. Logan case, homicide, at Canton. Annam accepts French protectorate. Biot at Ccuiton, houses burned on Shameen. French take Sontay» garrisoned by Chinese
troops. Fourth degradation of Prince Kung. Li-Foumier convention signed at Tientsin. Franco-A nnamese treaty signed at Hu6. Combat of Bacl6 ; French defeated. French ultimatum presented at Peking. Adm. Lespds attacks forts at Kelung. Adm. Courbet destroys Chinese fleet at Fooohow. Adm. Courbet declares blockade of Formosa. Coup d*6tat and riot at Seoul. Conflict between Chinese and Japanese guards
at Seoul. American government returns balance of 1858
indemnity. French declare rice oontrabeuad of war. Peace protocol signed at Paris. Japanese-Chinese convention on Korea signed
at Tientsin. Port Hamilton occupied by British naval forces. Franco-Chinese treaty signed at Tientsin. Sir B. Hart gazetted British Envoy Ext. and
Min. Plen. to China. Mollendorfl recalled from Korea. Anglo-Chinese agreement on opium signed at
London. Sir B. Hart resigns post of Inspector General
of Customs. Death of Tso Tsung-tang. Mr. H. F. Merrill Chief Conunissioner of Korean
customs. Sir B. Hart resumes duty as Lispector General. Mr. O. N. Denny appointed adviser to king of
Korea. Franco-Chinese convention on frontier trade
signed at Tientsin. Anglo-Chinese convention on Burma and Tibet
signed at Peking. Hongkong agreement on opium and junk trade
signed. Marquis Tseng's " China : the Sleep cmd the
Awakening."
XXX CHRONOLOOY
1887. Feb. 7th. Emperor Kwanghsii comes of age.
Feb. 27th. British occupation of Port Hamilton ends.
March. First sod turned for Formosa railway.
March 16th. Memorial to throne advocating railways.
March 26th. Macao protocol signed at Lisbon.
June 26th. Franco-Chinese convention on frontier trade
signed at Peking.
July Ist. Hongkong and Macao junk trade under In- spectorate of Customs.
Dec. Ist. Portuguese-Chinese treaty signed at Peking.
1888. Jan. 2nd. Bonded warehouses established at Shanghai. Aug. Railway opened, Tientsin to Tongshan.
Dec. Mr. Denny retires from post of adviser to king
of Korea.
1889. Feb. 5th. Anti-foreign riot at Chinkiang. Feb. 26th. Marriage of Emperor Kwanghsii.
Meirch 4th. Emperor assumes power ; regency terminated.
1890. March 17th. Anglo-Chinese convention on Sikkim-Tibet
signed at Calcutta. March 31st. Anglo-Chinese convention on Chungking signed
at Peking. Nov. 27th. Chang Chih-tung formally opens Hanycuig
Iron-works.
1891 . March 6th. Foreign envoysreceived in audience by emperor. May-June. Many anti-missionary riots in Kiangsu and on
Yangtze. Sept. 2nd. Anti-missionary riot at Ichang.
1892. May 21st. Imp. decree prohibits anti-foreign publications. Nov. 26th. Anti-foreign riot at Ichang.
1893. June. Imp. decree sanctions extension of railway into
Manchuria. July 1st. Two missionaries murdered at Sungpu. Dec. 19th. Medical school opened at Tientsin.
1894. March Ist. Anglo-Chinese convention on Burma and Tibet
signed at London. March 17th. Chinese inmiigration into U.S.A. prohibited for
ten years. March 28th. Korean Kim Ok-kiun murdered at Shanghai. March 29th. Tonghak adherents present petition at Seoul. May. Bubonic plague appears at Canton.
May 18th. Tonghak rebellion breaks out in Korea. June. Sun Yat-sen memorialises throne advocating
reform. June 6th. First Chinese troops sent to Korea. June 10th. First Japanese troops landed in Korea. June 28th. Japanese demand recognition of independence
of Korea. July 6th. China makes first appeal for intervention. July 23rd. Japanese troops seize Korean royal family. July 26th. Japanese sink Kowshing with Chinese troops. July 28th. Korea declares war on China.
CHRONOLOGY XXXI
1894. July 20th. Japanese defeat Chineee force at Tashan. Aug. Ist. China and Japan both declare war. Sept. 16th. Japcmeee defeat Chineee at Pingyang. Sept. 17th. Naval battle of the Yalu (Haiyangtao). Oct. 6th. China makes second appeal for intervention. Oct. 24th. Japanese forces cross the Yalu.
Oct. Prince Kung again at head of government.
Nov. 3rd. Prince Kung makes third appeal for inter*
vention. Nov. 6th. Talienwan occupied ; Port Arthur invested. Nov. 7th. Empress-dowager Tzehi's sixtieth birthday. Nov. 12th. Foreign envoys received in audience with
fitting ceremony. Nov. 2 Ist. Q^eee defeated at Kinchow ; Port Arthur
taken by assault. Nov. 22nd. China mftkes fourth appeal for intervention^ Nov. 26th. Mr. O.Detring arrives at Kobeon peace mission . Dec. 1 1th. Chinese defeated at Hsumencheng. Dec. 2 Ist. Chang Yin-hwan and Shao Yu-lien appointed
peace commissioners. Deo. 26th. Li Hung-chang removed from .viceroyalty emd
deprived of honours.
1895. Jan. 20th. Japanese land in Shantung. Jan. 26th. First assault on Weihaiwei.
Feb. 2nd. Credentials of Chang and Shao rejected by
Japanese. Feb. 12th. Weihaiwei and Chinese fleet surrendered. Feb. 15th. Li Hung-chemg appointed ambassculor extra-
ordinary. Feb. 16th. Chinese defeated at Haioheng. Feb. 19th. Wang Wen-shao replaces Li Hung-chang aa
viceroy. March 4th. Japanese occupy Liaoyang. March 6th. Japanese occupy Yingkow (Newchwang), March 19th. Li Hung-chang arrives at Shimonoseki. March 24th. Li Hung-chang woimded by Japcmeee fanatic.
Japcmeee take Pescadores. March 30th. Armistice for the north agreed to. April 17th. Japcmeee-Chineee treaty of peace signed at
Shimonoseki. April. Kang Tu-wei presents memorial advocating
reform. May 24th. Independence of republic of Formosa declared. May 29th. Anti-missionary riots in Szeohwan. June 2nd. Formosa officially handed over to Japan. June 9th. Tamsui occupied by Japanese. June 20th. Franco-Chinese convention on frontier trade
signed at Peking. July 6th. Contract for Franco-Russian loan (400,000,000
francs) signed. Aug. 1st. Massacre of missionaries at Kutien, Fukien.
CHRONOLOGY
1895. Nov. Agreement for Bussian railway to cross Man-
churia. Nov. 8th. Japanese-Chinese convention for retrocession
of Liaotung.
1896. March 20th. Chinese Imperial Post created by imp. decree. March 23id. First Anglo-German loan for £16,000,000
issued. June 2nd. Coronation of Tsar ; Li Hung-chang special
ambassador. June. Ineffective attempt to revise Chinese customs
tariff. June. Secret agreement made between China emd
Russia. July 2l8t. Japanese-Chinese commercial treaty signed at
Peking. Sept. 8th. RusBo-Chinese agreement for Chinese Eastern
Railway signed at Berlin. Sept. 29th. Russo-Chinese agreement on Memchuria signed
at Peking. Oct. Peking connected by railway with the sea.
i897. Feb. 4th. Anglo-Chinese convention on Burma frontier
signed at Peking. March 15th. Declaration to France of non-alienation of
Hainan. May 27th. Belgian preliminary contract, Peking-Hankow
railway. June 12th. First French claim to build Tongking-Yunnanfu
railway. Nov. 1st. Two German missionaries murdered in Shan- tung. Nov. 14th. German force seizes Tsingtau. Dec. 4th. German troops occupy Kiaochow city. Dec. 18th. " Mailed fist *' speech of German Emperor. Dec. Russian war-ships winter at Port Arthur.
1898. Jan. 8th. Proposal for British government loan to China. Feb. 3rd. Under Bussian pressure British loan refused. Feb. 11th. Declaration to England of non-alienation of
Yangtze basin. Feb. 13th. Declaration to England regarding Inspector
General of Customs. Feb. 19th. Bank contract for second Anglo-German loan. March 6th. Grerman-Chinese convention signed for lease of
Eaaochow. March 8th. First steamer reaches Chungking. March 27th. Busso-Chinese convention signed for lease of
Port Arthur and Talienwan. April 10th. Declaration to France of non-alienation of
southern provinces. France claims lease
of Kwangchow-wan. April 1 4th. American contract for Hankow-Canton railway. April 19th. England formally disclaims interest in Shantung.
CHRONOLOGY XXXIU
1898. April 22iul. French fle^ raised at Kwangohow-wan. AprU 25th. Russia formally disolaimB interest in Korea. April 26th. Declaration to Japan of non^alienation of
Fukien. April 20th. Inland Watws Steam NavigaUon rules pro- mulgated. May 13th. British contract for Shanghai-Nanking railway. May 17th. Russian contract for Shcmsi railway. May 21st. British contract for Shansi mines. May 29th. Death of Prince Kung. June. Publication of Chang Chih-tung's " Learn.**
June. Yii Man-tze heads rebellion in Sseohwan.
June. Rebellion, lasting five years, breaks out in
Kwangsi. June 9th. Anglo-Chinese convention on extension of
Hongkong territory signed. June 1 1th. Emperor's first decree on importance of reform. June 1 3th. Weng Tung-ho cashiered by Empress-dowager ;
Junglu appointed viceroy of Chihli. June 14th. Kang Tu-wei has personal audience of emperor. June 26th. Belgian final contract for Peking-Hankow
raUway. July Ist. Anglo-Chinese convention signed for lease of
Weihaiwei, July 6th. Russo-Chinese convention signed on Man-
churian railways. July 10th. Treaty between China and Congo Free State
signed at Peking ; not ratified. June 20th'-Sept. 16th. Issue of the Reform Decrees. Sept. 7th. Li Hung-chang dismissed from office. Sept. 16th. Yuen Shih-kai smnmoned to Peking. Sept. 20th. Kang Yu-wei escapes from Peking. Sept. 22nd. Coup d'etat : Emperor's person seized ; Em- press-dowager resumes power. Sept. 23rd. Kang Yu-wei proclaimed ; Chang Yin-hwan
banished. Sept. 26th. Counter-reformation begins. Sept. 28th. Decapitation of six leading reformers. Oct. 10th. Anglo-Chinese loan contract for northern
railways. Oct. Legation guards brought to Peking for the
winter. Nov. Tung Fu-8iang*8 troops removed from Peking.
Nov. Murder of Mr Fleming, British, in Kweichow.
Nov.-Dec. Anti-foreign riots in lohowfu, Shantung.
1899. Jan.-April. Rebellions in northern Anhwei and northern
Kiangsu. Jan. 20th. Yii Man-tze in Szeohwan surrenders and is
spared. Feb.-July. Risings in western Hupeh. Feb.-Aug. Water-way robbery (piracy) rife in Kweuigtung,
CHBONOLOOY
1899. March. Massacre of Chinese by Russian troops uk
Liaotung. March. Unrest reported in Kcmsa and Sinkiang.
March. Disturbances at Chinkiang and Yangchow.
March 2nd. Italy demands naval station at Sanmen Bay. March 15th. Official status given to R.C. missionaries. March 22nd. Grerman engineers attacked near Jihchao^.
Shantung. March 29th. German troops occupy Jihchao. April 16th. Hongkong extension resisted by Chinese in- habitants. April 17th. Qerman-Chinese agreement, Chinese customs.
at Tsingtau. April 29th. Anglo-Russian agreement on Yangtze and
Manchuria. May. Yii Man-tze again rebels in Szeohwan ; is-
suppressed. May. Secret society rising in southern Chihli.
May. Hostages taken by Germans from Jihchao to<
Tsingtau. May-Nov. Hunghutze active in Manchuria. May 1st. Chinese troops sent from ChihH into Shantung- May 8th. Extension of International Settlement at-
Shanghai. May 21st. Kangyi appointed *' Lord High Extortioner." May 26th. Imp. decree against menacing attitude of Italy^
and Germany. Boxer Society foundedv
about this date. May 31st. Itcdy withdraws demand for naval station. June. Riots in Taichowfu, Chekiang.
June. Riots at Kienning^ Fukien.
June 21st. Riot at Nancheoig, Kiangsi. Jmie 22nd. French consulate burned by mob at Mengtse^
Yunnan. July-Aug. Other risings in Szechwan. Aug. Anti-French riot at Yunneuifu.
Sept. Hostility to foreigners shown in eastern Hupeh •
Sept. 4th. Emperor asks leave to abdicate. Sept. 6th. American note declaring for " open door **'
in China. Sept. 1 1th. Korean-Chinese treaty signed at Seoul. Oct. 21st. First public reference to Boxers. Oct. Disloyal sentiments reported in Shensi.
Nov. Anti-foreign feeling rife in Kwangtimg.
Nov. Boxers dominate Shantungs spread into Chihli.
Nov. 12th. French officers murdered near Kwangchow-^
wan. Nov. 13th. Yochow in Hunan opened to trade. Nov. 21 St. Imp. decree orders provincial officials to resist-
foreign aggression. Dec. Serious rising at Pinggiang, Kiangsi.
CHRONOLOGY
1899. Deo. 2iid. Franco-Belgian contract for Honan raOwsy. Dec. 4th-3(yth. Acceptances of American note on open door. Dec. 6th. Tohaien, governor of Shangtong* recalled ;
Tuen Shihkai appointed. Dec. 14th. Mexican-Chinese treaty signed at Washington. Dec. 19th. Li Hong-chang appointed to Canton vioeroyalty. Dec. Slst. Mr. 8. M. Brooks murdered at MfiM>laapa»
Shantong.
1900. Jan. Secret societies active in northern Anhwei. Jan. Ist. Emperor pleads bad health.
Jan. 6th. Franco-Chinese convention for lease of Kwang-
chow-wan.
Jan. 16th. Tuhsien received in audience with marks of
favour.
Jan. 24th. PnchiiUySon of PrinceTwan»appointed Ta-ah-ko
(Prince Imperial).
Jan. 27th. Extension of French Settlement at Shanghai.
Jan. 3 1st . First day of ill-omened Keng-tce year of Chinese
cycle.
Feb. 2nd. German engineers attacked near Kaomi, Shan*
tung.
Feb. 28th. Murderers of Mr. Brooks tried and sentenced.
Meiroh 13th. Foreign naval demonstration in Qulf of Pe-
chihli.
March 16th. Yiihsien appointed governor of Shansi.
March 21st. Grerman-Chmese agreement on Shantung rail- ways.
April 6th. Liu Kun-yi in audience gives good advice.
April 16th. Satisfactory decree issued ; naval demonstra- tion ended.
May 8th. Alarming warning sent from Peking.
May 12th.-14th. Boxers attack Chinese converts near
Paotingfu.
May 20th. Mgr. Favier gives warning of impending danger.
May 28th. Peking-Paotingfu railway broken up.
May 29th. Exodus of engineers from Paotingfu.
May 31st. Legation guards brought up to Peking.
June Ist. Mr. Robinson and Mr. Norman murdered at
Tungteing.
June 4th. Envoys send home an urgent appeal for more
guards.
June 8th. Peking missionaries concentrated for safety.
June 9th. Boxers active immediately around Peking ;
envoys requisition on admirals for addi- tional guards ; last trains left Peking.
June 10th. Adm. Seymour leaves Tientsin with mixed
force ; telegraphic communication with Peking out.
June 11th. Mr. Sugiyama of Japanese legation murdered.
June 13th. Boxers begin burning and plundering inside
Peking.
XJLXVl CHRONOLOGY
1900. June 14th. Boxers begin boming and plundering at
Tientein.
June 14th. Last letter mail from Peking.
June 15th. All mission ohurohes at Tientsin destroyed*
June 16th. Anti-Boxer memorial from Tangtce viceroys ^
Adm. Sejonour, blocked at Langfang, turns- back ; admirals demand surrender of Taku forts ; last letter mail from Tientsin (received at Peking 18th).
June 17th. Taku forts taken by assault, 6 a.m. ; Tientsin
settlements attacked on all sides, 3 pjn.
June 18th. Seymour's rear-guard attacked at Langfang by
imp. troops.
June 20th. At Peking : decision for war, 6 a.m. ; murder of
Baron von Ketteler, 9 aon. ; fire opened on legations, 4 p.m.
June 20th. At Taku : reassuring notification by allied
admirals.
June 21st. At Nanking and Wuchang : viceroys concur in
admirals' attitude. • June 2l8t. Li Hung-chang's first attempt at negotiation.
June 23rd. Tientsin settlements relieved by a force from
Taku.
June 24th. Imp. decree ordering massacre of all foreigners ;
Chinese converts slaughtered in Peking.
June 26th. At Peking : first *' truce " in siege ; legations
to be protected.
June 26th. At Tientsin : Seymour force relieved by Rus- sians at Hsiku.
June 27th. At Tientsin : Eastern Arsenal taken by assault.
June 27th. At Taiyuenfu : mission hospital destroyed.
July 1st. At Paotingfu : massacre of missionaries.
July 1st. In Europe : first news of Bn. von Ketteler's
murder received.
July 3rd. At Peking : emperor sends special appeal to
each power.
July 3rd. At Shanghai : viceroys' agreement for neu*
trail ty of Yangtze betsin.
July 3rd. At Mukden : massacre of missionaries.
July 9th. At Tai3aienfu : massacre of missionaries.
July 9th. At Tientsin : Western Arsenal taken by
assault.
July 9th. At Peking : imp. decree reappoints Li Hung-
chang viceroy of Chihli.
July 14th. False report of massacre of entire Peking com- munity on July 8 th.
July 14th. At Nanking : Mr. Taylor appointed tem- porarily head of customs.
July 14th. At Tientsin : Chinese city taken by assault.
July 16th. On Amur ; Chinese fire on Blagovestchensk ;
Chinese killed in reprisal.
CHBONOLOOY XXXVU
1900. July ISih. At Peking : second " truce *' in siege of lega- tions.
July 19th. At Peking ; Chinese proposal to escort lega- tions to Tientsin.
July 20th. Abroad : first news (tel., July 17th) of condi- tions in legations.
July 21st. At Kiichowfuy Chekiang : massacre of mis- sionaries.
July 22nd. At Peking : Li Ping-heng has audience of
Empress-doweiger.
July 24th. Abroad : Li Hung-chang proposes escort en- voys to Tientsin.
July 27th. At Bremerhaven : bellicose speech of German
emperor.
July 28th. At Peking : decapitation of Chinese anti- Boxer ministers.
July 30th. Tientsin Provisional Government established.
Aug. 3rd. At Peking : third '* truce '* in siege of legations.
Aug. 4th. At Tientsin : allied relief force starts.
Aug. 6th. Battle at Pehtsang.
Aug. 6th. Battle at Tangtsun.
Aug. 7th. Li Hung-chang commissioned to negotiate for
peace.
Aug. 7th. Count von Waldersee appointed to chief com- mand in China.
Aug. 10th. At Peking : decapitation of Chinese anti- Boxer ministers.
Aug. 12th. At Shanghai : British troops arrive for pro- tection.
Aug. 12th. Allied forces enter Tungchow.
Aug. 13th. Russians open attack on Tungpien gate.
Aug. 14th. British and American troops enter. legations.
Aug. 15th. Flight of Chinese court to Sianfu.
Aug. 16th. Reheving force enters Pehtang cathedral.
Aug. 16th. Li Hung-chang proposes cessation of hostili- ties.
Aug. 24th. Li Hung-chang euid Prince Ching appointed
plenipotentiaries .
Aug. 28th. Russia proposes withdrawal of legations and
troops from Peking.
Sept. 6th. Prince Ching invites envoys to conference ;
they refuse.
Sept. 8th. Punitive expedition to Tuliu.
Sept. 11th. Punitive expedition to Liangsiang.
Sept. 16th. Punitive expedition to Sankiatien.
Sept. 18th. Grerman note demands punishment before
negotiation.
Sept. 20th. Li Hung-chang arrives at Tientsin ; Pehtang
forts taken by assault by allied forces. Sept. 24th. Russia begins completion of occupation of
Manchuria.
XXXVUl CHRONOLOGY
1900. Sept. 26ih. Imp. decree propoeee inadequate puniahmeiita ;
Waldersee arrives at Tientain. Sept. 29tti. Shanhaikwan forts oooupied by allied force. Cot. Ist. Li Hung-chang leassomes Ghihli vioeroyalty. Oct. 4th. French note proposes bases of negotiation ;
Russia tcJces military possession of
Tingkow. Oct. 13th. Paotingfu occupied by French force. Oct. 15th. Chinese plenipotentiaries submit bases of
negotiation. Oct. 16th. Anglo-German agreement regarding China. Oct. 17th. Wfddersee establishes his headquarters in
imp. palace. Oct. 19th. Imp. decree proposes punishments slightly
more severe. Oct. 20th. Paotingfu occupied for second time by allied
force. Nov. 6th. Officials at Paotingfu executed. Nov. 6th. Russia asserts rights of conquest at Tientsin. Nov. 1 1th. RusBo-Chinese convention on Manchuria signed
at Port Arthur. Nov. 13th. Imp. decree proposes punishments somewhat
more severe ; punitive expedition to I Kalgan. Dec. 24th. Foreign envoys present their irrevocable de- cisions in a joint note. Dec. 26th. Chinese government accepts terms of joint
note. 1901.' Feb. 13th and 21st. Imp. decrees inflict punishments de- manded. Feb. 16th. Waldersee issues a provocative general order. May 29th. Indemnity fixed at gold equivalent of
Tls. 460,000,000. July 12th. Prince Chun leaves Peking to express regret
at Berlin. Aug. 19th. Imp. decree suspends examinations in certain
cities. Sept. 6th. Prince Chun presents China's regret at Potsdam. Sept. 7th. Final protocol signed at Peking. Oct. 6th. Court leaves Sianfu on its return. Nov. Imp. decree establishes state education in
Western learning. Nov. 7th. Death of Li Hung-chang. Nov. 11th. Customs duty collected on imports at 6 per
cent, ad valorem ; native customs placed
under control of Inspectorate. Dec. Puchiin deposed from heirship and banished.
Dec. 28th. Chang Yin-hwan's memory rehabilitated. 1902. Jan. 7th. Court re-enters Peking.
Jan. 10th. Imp. decree for encouragement of education. Jan. 28th. Foreign envoys received in audience.
CHRONOLOGY XXXIX
1908« Jan. 30th. Anglo-Japaneee agreement regarding China
and Korea. Feb. 1st. Imp. decree abolishing Manchu privflege. March 11th. Imp. decree on education in Western learning. April 8th. Rosso-Chinese convention on Manohoria signed
at Peking. June 25th. Agreement regarding Mixed Coorte at Shanghai. Aug. 16th. Government of Tientsin restored to Chinese. Sept. 5th. British commercial treaty signed at Shanghai. Oct. 6th. Death of Liu Kon-yi.
Oct. 8th. Manchuria west of Liao restored by Russia. Oct. 31st. Revised tariff » effective 5 per cent., comes
into effect. Dec. Foreign garrisons leave Shanghai.
1 903. April 8th . Due date for Russian evacuation of Newchwang. April 1 1th. Death of Junglu.
April 23rd. Alleged Russo-Chinese convention proposed by
Russia. Sept. 9th. Modified Russo-Chinese convention proposed. Oct. 8th. American and Japanese commercial treaties
signed at Shanghai. Oct. 29th. Final contract signed for French railway to
Tunnanfu.
1904. Jan. 8th. Russia recedes from anti-British attitude in
Manchuria. Feb. 8th. Japan declares war on Russia. Feb. 9th. Japanese naval success off Port Arthur. Feb. 12th. China issues proclamation of neutrality ; foreign
powers agree to localise war in MEUichuria. May 1st. Japanese force the passage of the Talu. May 4th. Japanese second army landed at Pitzewo. May 13th. Anglo-Chinese convention on emigration signed
at London. May 19th. Japanese third army landed at Takushan. May 26th. Russians defeated at Kinchow and Nanshan. June 14th.-15th. Battle of Telisze. Aug. 24th.-Sept. 4th. Battle of Liaoyang. Oct. 12th.-14th. Battle of Shaho.
1905. Jan. 1st. Port Arthur surrendered to Japanese. Jan. 25th.-29th. Battles of Heikowtai emd Hunho. Feb. 23rd.-Maroh 10th. Battle of Mukden. March 16th. Battle of Tiehling.
March 21st. Changtufu occupied by Japanese.
May 26th. First warning of boycott of American trade.
May 27th.~28th. Naval battle of the Sea of Japan (Tsu- shima).
June 8th. Pros. Roosevelt urges Russia and Japan to
negotiate.
June 8th. American rights in Hankow-Ceuiton railway
bought back.
Aug. Boycott of American trade at its height.
Zl CHRONOLOGY
1905. Aug. Slst. Mr. J. MoLeavy Brown retires from post of
Chief Commr. of Korean GostomB. Sept. 5th. RuBso-Japaneee treaty signed at Portanoath»
U.S.A. Sept. 27th. Agreement signed for creating Hwangpu Board
of Conservanoy. Oot. 26th. American missionaries murdered at lanohow.
Kwangtung. Deo. 1st. Germeui-Chinese agreement on Chinese oustoms
in Tsingtau. Deo. 22nd. Japanese-Chinese oonvention on Manohuria
signed at Peking.
1906. Jan. 1st. Mr. J. de Rijke appointed engineer to Hwangpu
Conservanoy.
April 27th. Anglo-Chinese oonvention on Tihet signed at
Peking.
May 9th. Shuiwu Chu (Dept. of Customs Affairs) created.
Sept. 1st. Imp. decree foreshadows constitutional govern- ment.
Nov. 6th. Imp. decree creates new ministries.
Nov. 21st. Imp. decree introduces opium reform.
Dec. Anglo-Chinese agreement restricting opium
trade.
Dec. 30th. Confucius deified — raised to level of Heaven
and Earth.
1907. March 7th. British contract for Hongkong-Canton railway. Sept. Imp. decree enacts procedure of National
Assembly. Oct. Imp. decree creates provincial Assemblies.
Dec. 25th. Imp. decree promises simunoning of Parliament.
1908. Jan. 13th. Anglo-Franco-German contract for Tientsin-
Pukow railway.
Aug. 27th. Programme of progressive constitutional reform
issued.
Nov. 14th. Death of Emperor Kwangsu ; accession of
Hsiiantung.
Nov. 15th. Death of Empress-dowager Tzehi.
Dec. 18th. Yuen Shih-ked and Oiang Chih-tung con- jointly senior Guardians of the Heir-i Apparent.
1909. Jan. 2nd. Yuen Shih-kai dismissed from office.
Feb. International Opium Conference at Shanghai.
1910. Oct. 3rd. First meeting of National Assembly.
1911. Jan. 1st. Mr. H. von Heidenstam appointed engineer to
Hweuigpu Conservancy. May. Anglo-Chinese agreement further restricting
opium trade. May 8th. Prince Ching appointed first Prime Minister. May 20th. "Four-power Group" contract for Hukwang
railways. Sept. 20th. Death of Sir Robert Hart.
CHBONOU>OT Ztt
mi. Oot. 1st. Mr. F. A. Aglan appointed Inspeetor General
of Cuetonis. Oot. 11th. Oatbreak of levolntion at Wnohang s Yuen
8hih-kai reoalled to offioe. 1912. Jan. Intematioiial (>aiam Oongrne at Ilia Hague.
Feb. ISth. Abdication of ISmperor HeOantong. Eetab*
Uahment of the Repnblio of China.
NOTE TO VOLS. II AND HI
Ths tael (Tls.) is the oanoe of China, wet^iing from 626 to as onrrenoy it is a tael of silver of a weight and fineness dependent on the hanking convention of the city oonoemed. In these volumes the tael of onrrenoy is generally the Haikwan or Costoms tael; daring the earlier years, 1861 to 1873, its exchange vaLue was ahoat 6b. 8d. (£1 =s Tls. 3) ; after 1873 its value decreased, as shown in the diagram at page 408 of this volume.
The dollar (|) during the period covered by these volumes is the Mexican dollar of silver, or, in later years, the Chinese dollar of ttiiniiAr weight and fineness» having an exchange value of 0*66 of a. Customs tael.
Wbioht
The picul is 133| lb. av. or 60-468 kilogrammes. The catty is 1| lb. av. or 604*63 grammes. The tael is 1| os. av. or 37*783 grammes. 1 picul » li cwt. English » 1^ cwt* American«
1 long ton s= 16-8 piculs.
1 short „ ss 16*0 „
1 metric „ s 16-64 „
The li is nominally | statute mile or | kilometre. The Chinese foot is 14*1 TCngliah inches. The Chang is 141 English inches.
xlifl
CORRIGENDA
Teib opportunity is taken to correct some errors in previous volumes, which have been pointed out by friends.
" Thk Trade and Administbatxgv ot Chika." Rev. ed., 1913.
P. 1 1 , 1. 25. I am informed that, of the Ming bronze instruments* only one was a present from Louis XIV, the others having been cast an Peking under the supervision of the Jesuit astronomers. Gf. Favier, " Peking," p. 297.
P. 13, 1. 26. For " settlers " read " sutlers."
P. 18, 1. 26. For '* Chinese Recorder " read '* Chinese Reposi- tory."
P. 27, 1. 28. For " 1889 " read " 1 899."
P. 29, 1. 6. Omit " German."
P. 71, 1. 27. For " Tze-si " read " Tze-hi."
P. 229, 1. 12. For " 1899 " read " 1900."
**Thb Intbbnationaii Rblatioks ot the Chinese Empibb," Vol. I., The Period of Conflict.
P. 346 at foot. In text, footnote and Index, for *' Captain G. Butler " read ** Captain G. Balfour." This was apparently a case in which the pen refused to follow the instruction of the mind, to which the true name (perpetuated at Shanghai in '* Balfour Road ") ^nras well known.
xlv
• • •
• • •
The International Relations of: the Chinese Empire
CHAPTER I THE INSPECTORS OF CUSTOMS AT SHANGHAI
PAOI
1. Chinese exactions on shipping ..... 1
2. Exactions on merchants* goods ..... 2
3. The Chinese fiscal sjrstem ...... 3
4. The Canton Hoppo ..••... 4
5. Privileges secured to foreigners under treaties, 1842-44 . 6
6. Deterioration in standard of foreign traders ... 7
7. Development of general smuggling .... 8
8. Cases of ships Lady Mary W<Md and John Dugdale . 8
9. Divergence of governmentcd and mercantile view . . 0
10. Gk>vernment*s view found untenable . . .10
11. Action taken in consequence . . .11
12. Shanghai city taken by rebels, settlements declared neutral,
Sept. 1853 12
13. The Taotai a refugee in the settlements . . .13
14. English and American merchants give bonds for duties . 14
15. Giving of bonds discontinued . . .15
16. General evasion of customs duties . . . * . .16
17. Inland custom houses established ; protest made . 17
18. Shanghai practically a free port . . . . .17
19. Bonds of English merchants cancelled • . • .19
20. Bonds of American mercheuits paid in part ... 20
21. Mr. Rutherford Alcock characterised . . .21
22. Agreement to appoint foreign inspectors of customs,
June 29, 1854 22
23. System introduced July 12 ; Taotai degraded and
banished ........ 24
f 1. The foreign merchants in the Canton factories were subjected, with little check, to the exactions of a customs establishment modelled on the traditional Chinese lines. Their ships were required to pay official dues, fully recog- nised and not capable of reduction, amounting to about,
II— 1
« • •
TQE Inspectors of customs ch. i
• •
• •
• •
•• •
and not l«s$''.'(han, (10 (at the then current exchange £2 Ss. 4et:\ per ton of present day registered tonnage, [1] the pr^l^Dt* tonnage dues which replaced the old port dues anK^ruHtliig to no more than $0.60 (at the old exchange 2^. Ill2., and at present exchange about 1^. 2d.) per ton .• \re^ster. In addition the ships> under the Chinese system, ' *\Were compelled to gratify the desires of every government • " employee who was brought into relations with them, if the work of discharge and loading was to go on without delay, and if small offences by the ships' crews were to pass without notice ; the exactions under this head may be estimated at %1500 to $2000 (£860 to £480) for each ship. Besides thij a monopoly of purveying gave the com- pradors [2] power to charge what they pleased for supplies to the ships, and for the silk handkerchiefs, porcelain, carved ivory and other articles of Chinese produce which officers and men were eager to take back to their wives and sweethearts ; the value of this monopoly cannot be estimated in money, but it unquestionably added greatly to the amounts which would have been payable under a system of published prices and free competition.
§8. On the merchant's goods the exactions were no less heavy, but thfey were less capable of reduction to precise statement of the amounts levied. The contribu- tion to the Consoo fimd of 8 per cent, on the value of the goods was a tax additional to the customs levy, and was ostensibly designed to provide security to the foreign merchant against losses incidental to the system of mono- poly under which he conducted his business ; and, in respect to this, complaint was made only of the diversion of the fund to other purposes. But the customs duty levied on his goods — on foreign products imported and on Chinese tea, silk, and other products exported — ^was not only exceedingly heavy in comparison with the amounts legitimately leviable under the tariffs then nominally in force, but was at the same time cleverly disguised under a system which apparently required the foreign merchant to pay no duties. His imports he was compelled to sell to his security merchant only ; the latter fixed the price
[1] Reducing tons burden to registered tonnage on the basis of the high co-efficient of fineness of 0.90. [2] Ship-chandlers.
EXACTIONS OF CHINESE CUSTOMS 8
without competition and without the possibility of refer- ence to prices current, and this security merchant settled all dues, regular and irregular, legal and illegal, payable to the government officials. Exports, too, could be bought only from the same security merchant, tea being regularly bought under contract usually made a year in advance ; he it was who settled the price and paid all government obligations. When the foreign merchants were called upon by the British plenipotentiary. Sir H. Pottinger, to provide him with the figures necessary for drawing up the first international tariff, [8] it was found that they could not state exactly what was the amount payable on any one commodity, and that the best they could do was to furnish estimates based on such inquiries as they had, at that late day, been able to make ; but the fact remained, and was sufficiently obvious, that the foreign merchants were in the grasp of a close monopoly^ and that the monopolists exacted from them vast sums, which they in their turn were required to share with the government officials, collectors of the revenue and administrators of the law.[4]
f 8. The methods adopted at Canton were based upon the fiscal system of China,[5] which was that prevailing in the West under the Roman empire, through the middle ages, and even in its essentials down to the French Revolution. [6] Under this system the agent of the government, receiving nothing, or only a nominal sum, as salary, turned into the treasury a fixed sum every year, but was not required to account for the surplus which his possession of govern- mental powers enabled him to collect ; from this surplus he maintained his collecting staff, and fortified his position at court, and the surplus from the surplus gave him the reward proportioned to his abilities and to his influence in the political world. Verres in Sicily and Julius Csesar in Gaul may be mentioned as typical instances in the Roman dominion ; and in the modern nations, the Duke of
[3] Of. the author*8 ** International Relations of the Chinese Empire. The Period of Conflict, 1834-1860 " (hereafter referred to as '* Conflict ") chap, iv, § 17, and chap, xi, § 9 and n. 42.
[4] Of. "Conflict," chap, iv, passim.
[6] Ibid., chap, il, passim.
[6] After that date the system still lingered in the Westy but it was no longer ooadoned by public opinion.
4 THE IN8PECTOBS OF CUSTOMS OK. X
Buckingham with his monopolies granted by James I of England, the surintendant Fouquet under Louis XIV of France, and, with certain reservations. Boss Tweed of New York, all represent the typical Chinese mandarin. The resemblance is even closer, since on both sides of the world, in the Ekist as in the West, the methods of the chief were also the methods of his subordinates ; they too supplemented merely nominal salaries by non-legal levies which their official position enabled them to collect ; and they too, from the amounts collected, paid in, first, the sum which was expected of them, then gave gratuities, more or less fixed in amount, to their superiors to secure and to fortify their position, and retained the surplus as the reward proportioned to their abilities and influence. Even the most subordinate underling, in the East as formerly in the West, treated his office as a mere stepping- stone from which to leap into the field of irregular gains, which, in such an environment, are so much more attrac- tive than a humdrum salary.
§4. The foreign trade at Canton was under the sole fiscal jurisdiction of the Hoppo. He was stationed at Canton to tap the wealth of that busy commercial mart for the personal benefit of the imperial court — ^the Emperor, the Empresses, the concubines and eunuchs, and the Manchu nobility. He wa» always a Manchu ; but, in order that he might not consider himself unduly independent, was never a noble or even a freeman, but was always selected from the Boyi, the hereditary bondsmen of the imperial family. This official, of low personal status, but one of the conquering race, was given at Canton local rank inferior only to that of the Tartar-General and the Viceroy — ^which means in effect that he was armed with the full powers of the government, subject only to the condition that he should place these two high officials upon his list of beneficiaries. The Hoppo's function was not alone to collect the customs revenue from the customs stations in the province of Kwangtung ; that was the smaller part of his mission. His especial charge was to collect such sums, over and above the official assessment of his post, as would enable him to distribute large gifts to those by whose grace he had been appointed ; it was conunonly said of him that it took the first year's receipts of his office
THE CANTON HOPPO 5
to buy his appointment, the income of the second year to keep it, and that of the third year to buy his way back to private life and still leave him with a large fortime. In 1895, when but little was left to the unreported control of the Hoppo, it was stated that the official assessment of the post was Tls. 157,000 a year, but that '*his only chance of keeping the post for three years is to vigorously ply the palace with presents. ... At least a million taels a year, in fans, silks, pearls, and other presents, had to be sent to Peking at intervals of a fortnight, a quarter, a half-year, or a year."[7] But this was in the time of the Hoppo's decadence [8] ; during the palmy days when Canton en- joyed a monopoly of the foreign trade, the emoluments of the post were vastly greater. In 1848, during the consideration of the changes necessitated by the abolition of the monopoly of Canton, it was officially reported to the throne [9] that ^' the fixed amount of duties to be sent to the capital by the Canton maritime custom house was 899,061 taels, and the surplus remitted was usually from ten to forty thousand taels." The present author has made a careful calculation, on the basis of the rates of duty reported to Sir H. Pottinger,[10] of the amount of duties collected on goods imported and exported by British and American ships in 1887, and has found it to amount to just over Tls. 6,500,000 ; if we allow Tls. 500,000 for the legal trade under other foreign flags, and the very moderate estimate of Tls. 1,000,000 for opium, which was never included in statistics or in report, we have Tls. 8,000,000 as a safe estimate of the amount collected by the Hoppo from the trade under foreign flags alone. We may, further, estimate a sum of Tls. 2,000,000 for the receipts from Chinese shipping at the ports of Kwangtung, in- cluding, besides Canton, such busy marts as Wuchow, Chaochowfu (Swatow), Kongmoon, Tinpak, Kiungchow (Hoihow) and Limchowfu (Pakhoi). The resultant total,
[7] " The FinAncial Capacity of China," by E. H. Parker, in Journal of tile North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1895-96.
[81 The post was abolidied in 1904 as being no longer " lucrative '* in the CnineBe sense.
[9] Memorial of Muchangah and others of the Privy Council commenting on proposals by Kiymg, dated Sept. Ulfti, 1843. Chinese Repository, Dec. 1843.
[10] Of! " Conflict," chap^ xi. I 9 ; Morrison's " Commercial Guide," 1848» pp. 134 and 167.
6 THE INSPECTORS OF CUSTOMS OH. I
ten million taels, includes only customs duties ; to it must be added the port dues on shipping, heavy in amount [11] ; the contributions and gifts constantly demanded from the hong merchants who enjoyed the monopoly of the foreign trade [12] ; and the innumerable gratuities to be paid to the smaller officials, who might find means to block the smooth course of trade, and who must, in their turn, gratify the Hoppo if they would retain their posts. In short, we may confidently declare that, while the official assessment of the Hoppo's post was less than one million taels a year, the distribution fund must have much exceeded ten million taels.
f 5. By the treaties of 1842- 44, and the customs tariff and trade regulations adopted in 1848, the foreign trade was freed from many restrictions which had been imposc^d on it.[18] Trade and residence were permitted at four other ports besides Canton ; the monopoly of the Co-hong at Canton was abolished, and no monopoly was to fafe created at any- of the ports opened by treaty ; at these ports the foreign merchants might rent land on which to erect warehouses and residences, they might sell their imports in open market and might buy their exports from whom they would, at prices to be settled in free competi- tion ; their imports and their exports were to be subject to the levy of moderate duties according to a published tariff, and this was to be strictly adhered to ; and, finally, their persons and their property were to be under the pro- tection of their own national law, and were no longer to be subject to the law of China, alien in its spirit and faulty in its execution. These liberties were of great value and the foreign trade was by their agency freed from most of the medieval restrictions, so alien to the enterprising spirit of the nineteenth century, which had weighed it down. The time had been when the foreigners, guests of the Chinese empire, declared loyally, and as the only means by which their trade might be carried on, that " We are bound to submit to your laws while we are in your waters ; be they ever so imjust, we will not resist thcm."[14j But this day
[11] Cf. antes, fl- [12] Cf. " Confliot," chap. iv. | 26. [13] Ibid., chap, xi, passim. [14] Ibid., chap. v. { 34.
CUSTOMS PRACTICES UNALTERED
was past, and by the first treaty settlement the three Western powers had declared that it lay with them to dictate the conditions imder which China's international trade should be conducted.
§6. With all this amelioration, there was one of the conditions affecting foreign trade which remained un- altered— ^the spirit of the Chinese customs, its organisa- tion, and its methods. What the Hoppo had been, he was still ; what he was at Canton, that was the Tartar-General at Foochow and his deputy at Amoy, the Taotai at Ningpo, and the Taotai at Shanghai, the heads respectively of the customs at those ports ; and the staff of each custom house continued to demand and to receive gratuities for expediting business. When gratuities are paid for expedi- tion, it is a short step to paying in order that false declara- tions may be passed unnoticed, and no long step to direct smuggling. The foreign merchants in the Canton factories had been of a highly honourable class, and the profits derived from their trading operations were such as to remove all temptation to lower their high standard ; but the removal of personal and trading restrictions and the security given by the treaties brought into the field men of smaller mould, more inclined to petty gains, and finding in the Chinese system a means to their hand for securing larger profits. When smaller men led the way, men of higher standing and larger capital must soon follow if they would retain their market. Moreover, the direct smuggling of opium, which began about 1886, soon' undermined the honesty of merchants of even the highest standing, creating a desire for the excitements of the smuggler, contempt for Chinese administrative methods, and satisfaction that they had held their own in competition with their trade rivals. It was not enough that they had secured a tariff which imposed duties far lower than those which had formerly been paid ; merchants of all classes seized every opportunity to pay less than their legal dues, or even to evade all payment.[15]
[16] " The rocordfl of the Foreign Office will prove that for several years after the opening of Shanghai to trade, a system of smuggling and of compromising duties prevailed to an extent that destroyed practically the value of a fixed tanfif, and defeated the calculations of the honest merchant, who found himself, owing to the corruption of the Chinese custom house officials, exposed to a ruinous and unfair competition with his less scrupulous rivals in commerce.'* — ^Mr. Bruce to Lord J. Russell, Oct. 26th, 1860. Corr. reap. Affairs in China, 1859-60, p. 248.
8 THE IN8FECTOBS OF CUSTOKS CH. I
§ 7. Under-declaration of weights is common to this day in all custom houses under purely Chinese control ; and in the period which we are now considering, 1848 to 1854, it was the general practice. False description, removing commodities from one category to another charged at a lower rate of duty, was common ; and raw silk, the com- mercial unit being the bale, was frequently packed two bales in one, the weight on which duty was paid being, by connivance of the customs officials, only half the actual weight.[16] Direct smuggling — ^the introduction of foreign goods and shipment of Chinese produce which were not declared and on which no customs duty was collected — was also common, sometimes facilitated by the connivance of the subordinate customs officials, but not infrequently without their help, as if in scorn of such ineffective suj)er- vision. The British and French were the only officie.l consuls, the others being represented by merchants of their own or other nationality [17] ; and the merchants were mainly British or American, though traders from the various German states had established themselves in busi- ness at the open ports. These fill engaged in smuggling [18] ; but only in two cases, where the British consul intervened, did the practice come to the light of day in such a way as to be susceptible of proof.
§8. In June 1850 the P. & O. steamer Lady Mary
[16] " The result of the withdrawal of Consular initiative to secure payment of customs duties is that the foreign merchant contrives so to arrange his business that a large amo\mt of cargo passes free of duty or at a reduced rate." Particulars are also given of the practice of packing two bales of silk in one, and it is stated that " from January 1st to May 15th the declared import of chintzes (paying a specific duty of Tls. 0.200 a piece) was 850 pieces against sales of 25,000 pieces, while of ' coloured and fancy cottons * (paying duty at 5 per cent, ad valorem) the import was 39,000 pieces."— North-China Herald. May 15th, 1862.
[17] Cf. " Conflict," chap, xiii, § 6.
[18] " Your Lordship will be aware that the American consuls at the ports are wealthy merchants, receiving a trifling salary of one thousand dollars a year, which does not of course preclude them from carrying on their large mercantile operations. Under such circumstances it must be obvious that their conBular duties are altogether subservient to their trading avocations ; and hence I am satisfied most of them would infinitely prefer winking at the objectionable proceedings of their countrymen in respect to smuggling transactions, to taking any decided steps for the suppression of a practice in which, if there be any truth in common report, they themselves, as members of commercial firms, are more or less necessarily involved." — Mr. G. Bonham to Lord Palmerston, Sept. 27th, 1850, in Publio Record Office.
GENERAL 8MU66LIK6 BY MERCHANTS 9
Wood [19] arriving from Hongkong, discharged her opium into the receiving ships at Wusung, and then entered the port of Shanghai in ballast ; she also cleared in ballast, being thereby exempted from payment of tonnage dues, but at Wusung took on board 699 bales (74,666 lb.) of silk, shipped by Mr. A. G. Dallas, senior partner in the firm of Jardine, Matheson & Co., the Chinese government being thereby defrauded of duty amounting to $8107. In January 1851 the British ship John Dugdale cleared from Shanghai with a cargo of tea ; but after clearance it was found that, of 458,651 lb. actually on board, the duty on 257,251 lb., amounting to $7288, had not been paid. In these two cases an information was laid before the British consul, who, under the treaty,[20] was charged with the duty of protecting the Chinese revenue. The consul was Mr. Rutherford Alcock, who took his duties seriously and performed them zealously. In the case of the Lady Mary Wood he required Mr. Dallas to pay the duties which he had evaded and imposed a fine of $200, the maximum fine permitted under the regulations, and compelled the master to pay the tonnage dues and a fine of $200. In the case of the John Dugdale^ the Chinese authorities, zaalous after the event, wished to confiscate ; but the consul held that the smuggling had been made possible only by the connivance of the customs officials, and compromised the matter by imposing a fine of $100 plus twice the duty.[21]
§ 9. The Lady Mary Wood case crystallised the diverg- ence of view between the British government, which had made the treaty and was desirous of enforcing all its pro- visions, those which restricted the action of the foreign traders as well as those which granted them greater pro- tection, on the one hand, and the foreign traders, impatient of restraint, on the other. The British government upheld
[19] Cf. " Conflict," chap, xiii, § 2.
[20] Br. tr. Xanking, 1842, art. ii.
[21] Mr. G. Bonham to Lord Palmerston. Sept. 27th. 1850. in Public Record Office ; Sir G. Bonham to High Commissioner Hsu. July 10th, 1851, Corr. reap. Consular Interference for the Prevention of Smuggling in China, p. 3; North-China Herald, Jan. 11th and Mar3h Ist, 1851.
" That their [the P. & O. 8. N. Co.'s] steamer was systematically employed in smuggling opium up to the port and in smuggling silk down from the port, and so aiding and abetting the shippers in defrauding the Chinese government . . . are facts too public to be gainsaid." — North- China Herald, March 1st, 1851.
10 THE INSPECTORS OF CUSTOMS OH. Z
the action of the consul.[22] The Shanghai merchants, acquainted with Chinese revenue conditions and engaged in the same operations as the offending firm, expressed a strong desire to suppress all smuggling, but pointed out the difficulty of attaining that end by action which was legal only against British merchants and ships and which could not be taken against those of other nationalities.[28] The Hongkong merchants, trading in a free port and in no way concerned for the Chinese revenue, fully supported the action of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., and ex- pressed their disapproval of the consul's procedure in acting as both prosecutor and judge : '* it was not the business of the consul," and the silk had been shipped, not within the port of Shanghai, but at Wusung, which was outside port liinits.[24] The case was appealed to the Supreme Court at Hongkong, by which the jurisdiction of the Shanghai consul in the case was upheld, but his judgment was reversed on the technical ground that cases involving a greater penalty than $100 should have been heard with assessors. [25]
§10. The position taken by the British government and consul, based though it was upon the clearly expressed requirement of the treaty, was untenable so long as other nations recognised no such obligation and other merchants were left free to smuggle on their own account, or to lend their name to cover the smuggling operations of British merchants [26] ; it had, moreover, been demonstrated that the Chinese revenue authorities were not able or
[22] ** I have to aoquaint you that I approve of the course pursued in this matter by Mr. Consul Alcock. With reference to the argument used by Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co. that it was unfair to fine them» beoaiise smuggling is so extensively practised by other powers, I have to observe that a contrary doctrine has frequently been maintamed in the Coiuts of Law in this country, and that judges have often passed severer sentences than usual upon convicted offenders, upon the specific ground that the offence for which punishment was thus awarded had grown to be more common than theretofore, and that many who had been suspected of committing it had escaped conviction and punishment.'* — Lord Palmer- ston to Mr. G. Bonham, Nov. 27th, 1850, in Public Record Office.
[23] Shanghai Chamber of Commerce to Mr. Consul Alcock, March 28th, 1851, in North-China Herald, April 5th, 1851.
[24] China Mail, Hongkong, Feb. 15th, 1851.
[25] North-Chma Herald, April 26th, 1851. Cf. also ** Conflict/* chap, xiv, § 15.
[20] Mr. G. Bonham to Lord Falmerston, Sept. 27th, 1850, in Public Record Office.
DIVEROENCE OF OPINION ON SMUGGLING 11
qualified to enforce on all alik3 the degree of restraint which the British authorities might ba willing, under the treaty, to impose on their own merchants. This was recognised by the British government, and the Chinese authorities were informed that the British consuls would no longer, alone among all the nations, act on behalf of the Chinese authorities to protect the revenue, but that due vigilance must in future be displayed by the Chinese customs ofiicers for themselves.[27] This decision left the Chinese face to face with the foreign merchants, and the operations of the latter were subjected only to such restraint as was compatible with the ordinary constitu- tion of a Chinese government office.
§ U. The foreign merchants in China had by this time formed a high opinion of the inviolability of their persons and property, and resented all attempts by the revenue authorities to exercise any restraint, or even to question in any way the acciuracy of the ships' manifests which formed the only declarations they were called upon to make. In August 1851 the British and American consuls felt it incumbent on them to remind their nationals that the Chinese were within their rights in demanding more precise information and in subjecting imports and exports to verification, if such a step should seem called for, adding that '^ so long as the measures taken for the protection of the Chinese revenue are not only necessary and just, but are applied impartially to merchants and ships of all nations, every support will be afforded."[28] The French consul, however, saw in the customs regulations, proposed to secure this better control, an unauthorised extension of the treaty provisions, and he protested against their enforcement : he could " not in any way accept these new regulations as applicable to his own countrymen," but he would be ready to "receive all complaints by customs officers of any infractions thereof, and, if they are founded on equity and justice, to apply the penalties
[27] Bfr. Bonham to Lord Palmeraton, Sept. 27th, 1850 ; Lord Palmer- Bton to Mr. Bonham, Nov. 27th, 1850; in Public Kecord Office. Lord Palmerston to Sir G. Bonham, May 24th, 1851 ; Sir G. Bonham to High Commissioner Hsu, July 10th, 1851 ; in Corr. reap. Consular Interference for the Prevention of Smuggling in China, 1857.
[28] Notification of American constal, Aug. Ist, of British consul, Aug. 6th, in North-China Herald, Aug. 9th, 1851.
12 THE IN8PECTOB8 OF CUSTOMS OK. I
prescribed by treaty." [29] In September the consuls notified the appointment by the Taotai of Nicholas Baylies as Harbour Master and promulgated a set of Harbour Regulations for the control of ships and their crews ; this action was consequent on a generally signed request by the Shanghai merchants, who engaged to '^ use our influence with all captains of vessels to our consignment to conform to such regulations as may eventually be determined upon."[dO] In October 1852 the Taotai established the Customs Bank on the model which has been maintained during the sixty years since that date. [81]
§ 12. The walled city of Shanghai was taken by rebels on September 7th, 1858. They had taken the city, but their power extended only to its walls and moat ; the imperial troops shut them in on the west and south ; on the east was the river, on the further shore of which the Imperialists e^itablished batteries ; and to the north lay the foreign settlements. The Western powers had declared for a policy of strict neutrality between the imperial govern- ment and the Taiping rebels, who then dominated more than half the provinces ; and at Shanghai they spread the mantle of neutrality over the " area reserved for foreign trade and residence," giving notice that it could be used as a base of operations neither by the government forces nor by rebels against the government.[82] A neutrality shutting off a part of its own soil from the opera- tions of the established government could have been possible in no other quarter of the globe ; but the pohcy of protecting their own trade had been forced on the Western powers, and the absolute necessity for its adop- tion had in this same year been further demonstrated by the impotence of the government and its inability to maintain order. Shanghai, then, was declared neutral, and by reason of its neutrality served, during the next ten years, as a refuge for hundreds of thousands of the subjects and officials of the empire, who found there, under
[29] Consul M. de Montigny to Taotai, Aug. 30th, in North-China Herald, Deo. 20th, 1861.
[30] Joint Consular Notification of Sept. 24th, in North-China Herald, Sept. 27th, 1861.
[31] Notification of British consul, Oct. 30th, in North-China Herald, Nov. 6th, 1852. Of. "Subjection," chap, xiv, §§ 17, 18.
[32] Cf. " Conflict," chap, xvii, § 16; chap, xviii, {{ 2-7.
1803 SHANGHAI CITY TAKEN BY REBELS 18
I
the foreign flags, the protection denied them under their own. This neutrahty was only once infringed ; on September 8th, the day after the city fell, and before the three consuls had taken the situation into consideration, the custom house on the Bund was looted and destroyed. § 18. Upon the capture of the city, the foreign settle- ments furnished a refuge for the Taotai, head of the customs, and chief magistrate over a district comprising the cities and prefectures of Soochow, Sungkiang, and Taichow — ^an incredibly rich country with a population of many millions. Before this, in March, when the Taiping forces were pursuing their victorious progress down the Yangtze, and were already at the gates of Nanking, the conunercial situation was such that there was *^a total stagnation of trade, and, from the refusal of the native bankers to grant the usual facilities, it hau become quite impossible to obtain payments of the import and export duties from the Chinese dealers," while the sale of imports had come to an absolute standstill. Money was, in fact, unobtainable, [88] even the moderate amounts required to pay customs duty calculated on a 5 per cent, basis ; and, to provide for the needs of British merchants, Mr. Alcock undertook to grant clearance to British ships against the deposit of securities to cover the legal dues, either in '" government paper, in title-deeds of houses or land, or in warehouse warrants for foreign import goods."[84] In this, however, he was not supported by other nationalities ; and, after a month's trial, he was driven to notify that he *' could no longer incur the serious obligations imposed upon him by the measures temporarily sanctioned " in his previous notification. [85] In July the merchants applied to the British Superintendent of Trade for relief from paying duties in hard cash, which was not readily obtainable, and suggested the establishment of bonded warehouses ; but they were informed that, imder the treaties, no such relief was possible. [86] Now, in Sep- tember, with the administrative city in the hands of
[33] Cf. " Conflict," chap, xviii. {§ 11-13.
[34] British merchants to British consul ; notification of British consul, March 10th ; in Noiib-China Herald, March 12th, 1863.
[35] ^Notification of British consul, April 14th, in North-China Herald, April 23rd, 1863.
[36] a. " Confliot,*' chap, xvui, f 13.
14 THE INSPECTORS OF CUSTOMS CH. I
rebels, the custom house burned, the head of the customs a refugee in the foreign settlements, and the authority of the government in abeyance everywhere, the foreign merchants realised that the relief for which they yearned, and which had become an urgent necessity, was within their grasp.
§14. In order to establish fully the neutrality of the foreign settlements the consuls refused to admit, within their limits, or within the limits of the anchorage for foreign shipping, the exercise of authority by the imperial officials, and declined to recognise the revenue authority of the Taotai so long as the administrative city remained in the hands of rebels, and until the customs should be fairly reinstated in the custom house. [87] While this was the official attitude, the merchants saw the oppor- tunity of obtaining relief from the necessity of finding in a tight money market the hard cash required for duties, and were inclined to refuse payment of all duties. To meet this the British and American consuls established a modus Vivendi to be enforced on their nationals, under whose control was more than nine-tenths of the trade and shipping of Shanghai [38] ; but while action was taken jointly by
[37] " Ab Boon as the city of Shanghai is retaken by the Imperial troops and your Excellency's establishment fairly reinstated in the custom hoiise, I shall be prepared to enter into further consideration with you of the question of duties." — Mr. Alcock, British consul, to Taotai, Oct. lOth and 13th, in North-China Herald, Oct. 22nd, 1853.
** The Chinese custom house, the only one that I recognise at Shanghai, having been destroyed by the natives themselves, until it has been re- established and an authority to accept the receipts, in conformity with the treaty, has been replaced and recognised, I consider myself fully at liberty to allow the entry and despatch of the ships of my nation free of all duties.** — M. Edan, French consul, to American merchants, Oct. 2dth, in North- China Herald, Nov. 12th, 1853.
** The undersigned . . . has received instructions from H. E. the Commissioner of the United States to China to deliver up the papers of American vessels on their leaving port, without requiring production of the Chinese customs clearance, as long as vessels under other foreign flckgs are allowed to enter and leave port without reporting and paying duties at the, custom house, as is at present the case. The moment the customs regulations are enforced upon all foreign vessels, a return to them will be required upon the part of those under the American flag." — Notification of Mr. E. Cunningham, American consul, Jan. 20th, in North-Chiniv Herald, Jan. 28th. 1854.
[38] In 1852, of shipping cleared at Shanghai, there were British 103 ships of 38,420 tons, American 66 of 36,532 tons, and all others 13 of 3213 tons. In 1855 the figures were British 249 ships of 75,131 tons, American 96 ships of 56,792 tons, and all others 92 ships of 26,268 tons. In 1853 the value of all exports from Shanghai was $23,913,480 ; of this shipments under the British flag were valued at $14,445,300, and under the Amerioan flag $8,444,530, leaving $1,023,650 for all others.
and on January 80th, 1854, as regards British ; that the consuls were " not to continue col-
1853 SHANGHAI PORT DECLARED NEUTRAL 15
the two consuls, it was well known that the prime mover was Mr. Alcock,[d9] who had from the outset felt it his duty to see, as required by the treaty of Nanking, that the Chinese revenue suffered no loss from the action of the merchants. Immediately upon the fall of the city the two consuls gave notice that they would grant clearance to ships without payment of duty, but on deposit of a bond undertaking to pay, at some future date, the customs duties and dues payable to the Chinese govern- ment.[40]
§ 16. This action was reported by each to his superior, and in each case it was disavowed as being tUira vires and an assumption of sovereign power which could not be justified. Upon receipt of instructions from the respective governments, the Taotai was informed thatihemodus vivendi would come to an end, on October 28th as regards American trade, [41 trade [42
lecting the duties for the Chinese custom house for an indefinite period " ; and that the " reoccupation of the custom house heretofore in use, situated as it is in the heart of our settlement, was impossible," because the admittance of the guards necessary for its protection would destroy the neutrality of the settlements, which the Chinese government was no longer able to protect. It was added that the bonds deposited under the modu^ vivendi would be enforced only if the representatives of other powers were able and willing to secure an equal enforcement for ships under their flags ; and the British consul declared categorically that his nationals could in the future be called upon to pay duties, only if the merchants of all nations were placed on a basis of equality. The Taotai was thus left to collect the customs revenue of a port no longer in his possession, without any power to enforce the collection. On October 28th the customs staff was
[39] Cf. Michie, ** The Engliahtnan in China," vol. i, p. 143. Also Mr. Alcock's letters to Shanghai Chamber of Commerce of April 1 Cth and 23rd« in North-China Herald, AprU 19th and 26th, 1851.
[40] North-China Herald, Sept. 17th, 1853.
[41] Notification of American consul, Oct. 24th, in North-China Herald, Nov. 6th, 1863.
[42] British consul to Taotai, Jan. 30th, in North-China Herald, Feb. 4th, 1864.
16 THE INSPECTOBS OF CUSTOMS CH. I
installed in two guard-boEts moored off Putung Point,[48] at what was then the lower limit for foreign shipping ; on February 6th the office was transferred to the north side of the Soochow Creek, not then incorporated in the American settlement. [4(4] In acknowledging the Taotai's commimication notifying this last move the three treaty- power consuls reiterated the condition that the " customs surveillance is equally to affect every vessel of every nation." This condition was not observed ; in fact it never had been observed, and on January 20th the American consul, expressly on this ground, had given free clearance to two American ships, the Oneida and Science.
§16. The payment of duty during these months was more or less voluntary on the part of the foreign merchants » and the obligation was for a time generally met. On February 10th, however, the British merchants addressed their consul, giving many instances of ships which had been cleared without the payment of duty, inwards or outwards. Besides the Oneida and Science^ reference was made to the American ship Wild Duck " now loading at Wusung " ; the Prussian ship Preussischer Adler cleared on Sep- tember 8th under a bond to "' hold the Prussian consul [45] harmless from all charges that might be made for the recovery of duties " ; the Austrian ship Robert sailed on October 29th " without entry at any consulate and having had no demand made on her for any duties, import or export " ; over 150 junks of 800 to 500 tons each laden with sugar on which no import duty was collected ; the Siamese [46] ships Favorite and Siam and 24 Siamese junks of over 500 tons each ; ** the fact that at lea^ four vessels have loaded full cargoes of tea and silk at Wusxmg without payment of duty is so well known that it is un- necessary to enter into particulars " ; and finally reference was made to " probably 4000 tons of tea and silk now lying at Wusung with the object of being shipped off with- out entry at any consulate or payment of any duty what- ever.** These facts the British merchants considered " to
[43] North-China Herald, Nov. 5th, 1853. [44] Ibid.. Feb. 11th, 1854. [45] An English merchant.
[46] The Siamese flag was a favorite with those who wished to escape oonmalar control over their ships.
1854 6ENEBAL EVASION OF DUTIES 17
be grounds for British commerce being exempted from duties which have not been levied impartially upon the trade of other foreign nations."[47]
§17. The successive attempts to establish a Chinese custom house within the limits of the neutralised port, and to secure recognition for its authorities from the foreign merchants and shipping, had all been frustrated by the conditions under which trade was carried on ; and the next step taken, at the beginning of May, was to abandon all such attempts, and to establish two inland custom houses, one on each of the principal routes leading to and from the interior. The collection of tonnage dues had per- force to cease, and the levy of import and export duties was no longer made at the ship's side, but on the passage between the port and the consuming and producing dis- tricts. The three consuls at once protested jointly against this method as an infraction of the clear stipulations of the treaties, and invited the merchants to place in their hands " any evidences which it may be in their power to give of interior exactions, levy of duties, or other irregu- larities, in derogation of their rights and privileges as merchants resorting to this port for the purpose of com- merce." Merchants were further informed that " in lieu of the specific bond or note which they are now in the habit of giving, an obligation from the consignee and each shipper will be taken, by which they shall undertake to hold harmless their consuls and respective governments from any responsibilities accruing from the departure of the ship without payment of such duties as may be due to the Chinese government." The notification closed with the self -assuring assertion that '* this course will not only preserve from reproach the integrity of the three powers having treaties with China, but will cast the onus of treaty violation upon the Chinese authorities, and tend to preserve the trade of this port from serious interrup- tion."[48]
§18. In the old factory days at Canton, before the treaties, there was no smuggling, nor was there any tempta-
[47] ftHftTighfti BritiBh Chamber of Commerce to British consul, Feb. 10th and March 1st, in North-China Herald, March 11th, 1S54.
[48] Joint notification by British, American, and French consuls. May 9th, in North-China Herald, May 20th, 1854.
II— 2
18 TH£ IN8PECTOBS OF CUSTOMS CH. Z
tion to smuggle^ in the general articles of trade. There waSy it is true, a general disposition to import and export those articles of which the movement was absolutely prohibited [49] — opium inwards, and tutenague (spelter) and silver outwards — ^but this was done with the full sanction of the responsible officials who, for a considera- tion, were active abettors in the infraction of the written law. Then the control exercised by the monopolies — Chinese, English, Dutch, and others — ^was removed and many privileges were secured by treaty ; and, with the general attention of the world attracted to China, many were drawn to the East who had none of the old factory traditions. Concurrently with this came the general smuggling of opium, engaged in by many of the highest standing in the years following the resumption of trade in 1842 ; and the facility with which this was carried on, even at the entrance to the treaty ports, inevitably led to general smuggling, at first by the smaller men, then through stress of trading competition by others, and finally by all. Then came the confusion caused by the progress of the rebellion, in which, of the two principal ports. Canton was completely hemmed in by rebel forces,[50] while the administrative city of Shanghai had been wrested from the control of the imperial authorities. The foreign powers maintained neutrality around both Canton and Shanghai ; but, while at Canton this attitude did no more than to leave the contending forces to fight their own battle, at Shanghai its effect was to tie the hands of the government ; without the declaration of neutrality Shanghai was lost to the empire and probably the course of history changed, but with it the Chinese authorities were debarred from giving the protection requisite for the collection of taxes. Merchants had at first been required to give bonds, but those given were afterwards repudiated ; then came the period of the establishment of provisional customs stations in the port, with no power to enforce their rules, during which advantage was taken of the freedom from restraint
[49] " In exports I smuggled very largely of silver, because it was a prohibited article, and so was tutenague ; and the rule whidi guided me was that I would smuggle the articles which were prohibited, but not those upon which a direct duty was laid." — Evidence of W. S. Davidson before Comm. of H. of Commons, 1830, cited in *' Conflict,*' chap, viii, | 8, n. 24.
[50] Cf. " Conflict," chap, xvii, f 11.
18M SHANGHAI PRACTICALLY A FREE PORT 19
of all flags other than the English^ American, and French, and the merchants of those other flags — the non -treaty powers, Austria, Portugal, Siam, Prussia, Bremen, Ham- burg, etc. — ^led the way in smuggling in which they were perforce joined by those of the treaty powers ; and finally custom houses were established, not at the port, but in the interior, and against this measure and the collection of taxes elsewhere than at the port the three consuls felt it their duty to protest. Shanghai became in effect a free port ; and practically from September, 1858, very generally from November, and absolutely from May, 1854, no revenue was collected for the Chinese government from its foreign trade.[51] While this condition may have been satisfactory to many among the individual merchants, it was viewed with alarm by the mercantile community in general, by the consuls, and by the officials of the Chinese government. [52] § 19. The bonds for the customs taxes due during the earlier period had been given only by the English and American merchants. Even if the custom house had been qualified to perform its functions, it would at that time have been very difficult to find for the payment of duties the cash which, once paid out, did not return to the market, but was hoarded [58] ; and now, in the summer of 1854, the stringency was even more marked, and the en- forcement of the bonds was felt to be, not only an injustice, but a financial impossibility. In July therefore the English merchants addressed their plenipotentiary pro- testing against the legality of the bonds on the grounds that the dem^ind for them was ultra vires of the consul, that they had never been sanctioned by the British govern-
[51] Michie, ** The Englishman in China,'* i. p. 152.
[52] " Much interest is felt at the present moment in reference to the question of duties, both as relates to the large accumulation of arrears for which bonds have been given, and the steps to be taken for the collection of custom-house dues in the approaching season. As regards both the past and the future, it is becoming pretty evident, that unless the plenipoten- tiaries of Great Britain and the United States, both of whom are on the spot, can effect some satisfactory arrangement with the Chinese High Authorities, and that quickly, the trade will be stopped, while a portion only can be diverted from this port to Foochow and Canton ; and apart from the disadvantages attending such transfer, it may be doubtful whether Shanghai will recover the injury, when civil war and the attendant diffi- culties cease to offer further obstruction." — ^North-China Herald, June 1 7th, 1854.
[63] CI. " Conflict," chap, xviii, §§ &-13.
20
THE INSPECTOBS OF CUSTOMS
OH. t
ment, that the provisional rules under which they were demanded had not been enforced on the merchants and ships of other flags, that the Chinese government had failed to perform their part of the reciprocal obligations imposed by treaty, and that protection was not yet afforded to their trade by the Chinese. They further pleaded that the consul, by whose executive act the bonds had been demanded, should not be allowed to decide judicially on their legality.[54] This contention was referred for the opinion of counsel in London, and it was held that the ** promissory notes cannot be enfored " and that " there is not any other liability under the circumstances for the duties on the exports and imports in respect of which the promissory notes have been given. "[55] This was also the opinion of the British government, and in September it was notified that " the bonds received for arrears of duties between the capture of the city of Shanghai and the 9th February" were to be cancelled and would be returned on application. [56]
§ 20. The American merchants also had been required to give bonds during the same period, and the question of their legality and enforcement was, by agreement between the Chinese authorities and the American merchants^ referred for arbitration to the American commissioner, Mr. Robert M. McLane. The total amount of the promis- sory notes was Tls. 854,149, and by decision rendered on November 28rd, one-third of this sum, Tls. 118,050, was awarded to the Chinese authorities.[57] At the same time,
[54] English merchants to Sir J. Bowring, July 8th, in North-China Herald, July 15th, 1854.
[55] Opinion of Sir Fitzroy Kelly, Q.C., and James Willes, Q.C., in North-China Herald, Aug. 19th, 1854.
[56] Notification of British Consul, Sept. 11th, in North-China Herald, Sept. 16th, 1854.
[57] Decree of Brobert M. McLane, Nov. 23rd, in North-China Herald, Nov. 25th, 1854. The sums paid by each firm were as follows :
Tls.
Russell & Co. . Smith, King & Co. .
Bull, Nye A Co. Augustine Heard & Co. Wetmoie & Co. Hiram Fogg & Co. . Frank Foster . Wm. Q. Pierce
89,095
29,497
20,984
18,495
9,498
387
84
50
118,050
iM4 fttJtH£ftF5ftD ALtOtft 21
on the other side of the globe, the State Department directed that the provisional rules of September 9th| 1M8| were to be rescinded and the promissory notes returned cancelled to the merchants concerned [58] ; but the award Was held Valid ahd tiltlmatelvi on April 18th, 1856, the sum awarded was paid to the Chinese ailthorities.[59] 1 21. The foreign merchants of Shanghali a« a bodyi were not at ease in the situation imposed on theln | th« Chinese authorities could not be expected to feUlain quiescent when deprived of a revenue to which they wcfd fully entitled t and the three tfeatypower consuls were only too anxious to put an end to a state of anarchy in which the law-abiding merchcnts, found entirely among their nationals, were placed at a serious disadvantage* In the negotiations and settlement which followed ^ the leading part was taken by the British consul, Mr. Rtttber' ford Alcock. He was a man of marked personality, with clear judgment and the faculty of prompt decision. He was one of the first batch of British consuls sent to carry out the provisions of the treaty of Nanking, 1842. In 1844 at Amoy[60] and again in 1854 at Shanghai,[61] he asserted the right to protect Chinese subjects actually in foreign employ ; in 1845 he succeeded in ** regaining the [British] prestige which had already been lost at Foochow " [62] ; in 1848 at Shanghai, on an occasion in which he conceived the Chinese authorities to be negligent in their duty of protecting foreign life, he boldly declared war against the Chinese government and obtained the redress he demanded [68] ; in 1858, when the Taiping forces had occupied Nanking, he took the lead in organising the defence of the foreign settlements at Shanghai [64] ; and the neutrality of the port, declared successively during the same year by the plenipotentiaries of the three powers, [65] was so declared mainly on his advice and
[68] W. L. Maroy, Beo. of State, to Goodhue * Co., Hew Yefk, Her. 9th, 1854, in North.C9uDa Herald, Feb. 10th, 1855. [50] North.C9iiDa Herald, April 19tb, 1850. [60] Cf. " Conflict," c))ap. xlv, I J. [61] Ibid,, chap. xvul. 18.^' ' [62] Ibid., chap, xiii, f it [63] Ibid., chap, ziv, § 23: [64] Ibid., chap, xviii, § i; [65] Ibid., chap, xvii, f 15.
32 THE INSPECTOBS OF CUSTOMS CM* t
with his full support.[66] During the confusion which followed the capture of the walled city of Shanghai, when the revenue authority was in abeyance, he felt bound by a double duty : his first duty was to protect and to uphold the interests of British merchants and their trade ; but on him was also laid by treaty [67] the further charge " to see that the just duties and other dues of the Chinese government are duly discharged by British subjects.'* These two duties he reconciled, and was able to carry them both into effect ; but through all he was filled with the Palmerstonian ideal of the Englishman's duty — ^to instruct the ignorance of foreigners and reform the abuses in their Ifews and practices. It irked him to view the irregularities in Customs procedure and the corruption which marked the exercise of their functions by all Chinese officials ; and he deplored the effect on foreign merchants produced by such practices. [68]
§ 22. The " promissory note '* system, in which the consuls assumed the functions of a custom house, had broken down ; the " provisional '* system, in which the Chinese authorities had no physical protection, but were given the moral support of the consuls, had failed ; and the " free " system of universal smuggling was one for which some substitute must be found. It was evident to all that the strict enforcement of the neutrality declcured must be dropped ; but in making this concession, Mr. Alcock demanded his price, and that was that the Chinese should introduce an " element of probity and vigilance " into the administration of the customs, and this he proposed to effect by means of supervision by foreigners, nominated by the consuls, but in the service of the Chinese and paid by them, and working under the authority of the Chinese
[66] Mictiie, *' The Englishman in China," i, p. 142.
[67] Brit. tr. Nankmg, 1842, art. ii. Cf. " Conflict," ohap. xi, { 6.
[68] " We found that to seoure the essential objeots of these treaties as they now stand there is one thing plainly wanting and yet essential, ao honest and efficient custom house, and who does not see that this is un- attainable in China ? . . . We should either have refused to concede a rig^t to levy maritime duties, or obtained as the condition some better guarantee for its impartial ezeroise. . . . And when we consider the natural tendency of partial smuggling, ... its disastrous influence on the seneral prosperity of the trade must be too plain to admit of contradiction ; however it may temporarily enrich a few, it must eventually impoverish many."— Mr. R. Alcock to Sir G. Bonham, 1851, cited in Michie, ** Th« yli^gMwA^rf^mr^ in China," i, p. 146.
1854 APPOINTMENT OF INSPECTORS' 28
executive.[69] On these lines an agreement was made on June 29th between the three consuls and the Shanghai Taotai, Wu Kien-chang, who was then a refugee in the English settlement, of which the first article was as follows :
«
** Rule 1. — ^The chief difficulty experienced by the superintendent of customs having consisted in the impossibility of obtaining custom- house officials with the necessary qualifications as to probity, vigil- ance, and knowledge of foreign languages, required for the enforce- ment of a close observance of treaty and custom-house regulations, the only adequate remedy appeeurs to be in the introduction of a foreign element into the custom-house establishment, in the persons of formgners, carefully selected and appointed by the Taotai, who shall supply the deficiency complained of and give him efficient and trustworthy instruments wherewith to work.'*[70]
It was at first intended to appoint only one inspector, and for this Mr. Alcock and Mr. Murphy, the American consul, proposed the name of M. Arthur Smith, of the French consulate [71] ; but the French consul hesitated to assimie the responsibility of such undivided control, and it was finally agreed that a nominee from each of the three con- sulates should be appointed. Accordingly the Taotai appointed as Inspectors of Customs at the port of Shanghai, to be a ^^ board of inspectors with a single and united action," the following, in order of seniority : M. Arthur Smith, French ; Mr. Lewis Carr, American ; Mr. Thomas Francis Wade, British. [72] On the resignation of Mr.
[69] ** The attempt [to introduce reforms] will not be unaooompanied by serious difiioultles, . . . but I do not relinquish all hope of suoooss if the ooQeotion of duties ean in any way be brou^t under the effective control of the three treaty powers as to the executive of the custom house. On any other basis I believe every effort to benefit the Chinese revenue and at the same time protect the honest merchant must in the nature of things prove nugatory." — Mr. R. Alcock to Sir G. Bonham, May Ist, 1864.
'' The sole issue out of the difiOculties by which the whole subject is beset under existing treaties is to be sought in the combination of a foreign element of probity and vigilance with Chinese authority. . . . The fre^ ocMDCunenoeof the Chinese authorilses is a first condition of success. ... I propose the association with the Chinese executive of a responsible aji4 trustworthy foreign inspector of customs as the deleg4te of the three treaty powers, to be appointed by the consuls and Taotai conjointly at a libend salary." — Same to same, June 15ih, 1854, cited in ibid., i, p. 152.
[70] Joint notifioation of treaty-power consuls, July 6th, in North- China Herald, July 8th, 1864.
[71] Mr. R. Alcock to M. B. Edan, Consul de France, Jime 27th, cited in Michie, " The Englishman in China," i, p. 153.
[72] North-China Herald, July 15th, 1864. The salary attaching to the x>ost was $6000 to each inspector.
24 THE INSPECTORS OF CUSTOMS OH. I
Wade a year later, Mr. Horatio Nelson Lay was appointed in his place.
§28. The new administration was inaugurated on July 12th. The regulations were few and simple, but the weakness of the executive and the privileged position of the foreign merchants necessitated some special stipula- tions. Any shipment or discharge of goods after sunset was to be ^* treated as smuggling and all the goods con- fiscated " ; the consul's control over the ship was main- tained, as provided by treaty ; in case of false declarations by men in charge of lighters, '^ if a foreigner the Superin- tendent of Customs will request the Consul to examine the case and prohibit the party from pursuing the business of lightering " ; and it was provided that, in order to earn respect for authority and prevent frauds on the revenue, *' henceforth the Superintendent of Customs will levy the full penalty without any compromise . . . without dis- tinction of persons or flags."[78] The new dispensation was welcomed by the consuls, whose aim it was to end the state of anarchy which existed ; it was welcomed by the mercantile community as ending a condition which was of special advantage only to the less honest among their number ; and it enabled the Taotai, the revenue officer of the port, to obtain a revenue which otherwise he had no means of collecting. The system of exact collection and published reports was, however, not so pleasing to the higher officials and to the central administration and court at Peking ; and a year later the Taotai, who had consented to its introduction, was impeached and sen- tenced to banishment to the frontier.[74]
[73] Joint notification, July 6th, ubi sup.
[74] "The degraded Taotai, Woo-kien-chang, had been aocuaed on various charges, into which Iliang and Koerhangah had carefully examined, and although it does not appear that he had any connection with the bar- barians in fostering the rebellion, nor that he had purloined the duties ; yet it does appear, that whilst he filled the situation of a hi^ offlk)er, ha was on terms of friendly intercourse with the merchants belongmg to several firms, who resided in the place of his jurisdiction ; in carrying on thia intercourse he manifested no scruple, until the rebels took possesfdon of Shanghai. The said degraded officer, finding that he could not keep the rebels out of the city, then went and took refuge in a barbarian hons. whilst he falsely pretended that he was gone out on public business, which very much aggravates his ofTenoe. The emperor orders that he be heavily punished, and banished to the cold countries of Tartary, and there exert himself, in order to make some amends for his faults.** Imperial edict, Dec. 15th, 1865, in North-China Herald, Jan. 12th, 1856.
CHAPTER II THE INSPECTORATE GENERAL OF CUSTOMS
PAQB
1. System of Inspectors of Customs at Shanghai soooessful . 25
2. Authority of the Inspectors flouted ... 26
3. American merchants urge, abolition ; English generaUy
support ........ 28
4. Refusal to pay duties at Foochow, 1856 .... 20
5. System extended to all ports, 1858 30
6. Mr. H. N. Lay, his merits and demerits . .31
7. Mr. Lay, having organised customs, appointed Inspector
General, Jan. 21, 1861 32
8. Mr. Lay takes leave; Mr. R. Hart acting in his place,
June 30 ... . .... 34
9. Mr. Lay instructed to buy and equip fleet, March 14, 1862 34
10. National ensign adopted . . .35
11. Question raised as to Mr. Lay's authority ... 36
12. Agreement between Mr. Lay and Captain Sherard Osbom,
Jan. 16, 1863 37
13. Their motives in making the agreement .... 38
14. Agreement disavowed by Chinese government, July 8 39
15. Government unable to act otherwise .40
16. Captain Osbom resolves to disband the force, Oct. 15 40
17. British envoy approves ; ships sent to England . . 42
18. Captain Osbom's conduct generally approved ... 42
19. Mr. Lay's conduct condemned by British envoy 44
20. Also strongly condemned by Chinese government . . 46
21. Mr. Lay dismissed from his post, Nov. 15 . . .46
22. Mr. Robert Hart appointed Inspector General of customs . 46
§ 1, Trading was the life of the foreign merchants resident in China, and the protection of trade was the first duty of the few foreign officials in that country ; and, at the port of Shanghai, for so long a time in a state of anarchy, this had now been subjected to regulation. The success of the new institution was immediate. Previously there had been no official report, and the only information
25
26 THE INSPECTORATE GENERAL OF CUSTOBCS OH. II
obtainable was derived from the reports of the consuls, who, for the information of their respective governments, calculated from the ships' manifests deposit^ with them the amount of duties paid by their nationals. On this authority it can be stated that, before the monetary stringency set in and before the capture of the city by the rebels, the collection reached its highest amount in 1851, when it was Tls. 1,872,052 ; and that, after the troubles began, the duties paid became insignificant in amount ; while in less than five months from July 12th to No- vember 80th, 1854, duties to the amount of Tk. 864,444 were officially reported as having been collected from the foreign trade of Shanghai [1] ; and in 1859 the collection so reported was Tls. 2,902,877,[2] opium not being in- cluded in either case. This was attributed to " the energy and honesty thus imported into the administration,'' and the further advantage was noted that "the partial levy of duties and the capricious enforcement of regulations which fell so heavily on the British merchant no longer exist, and the custom house now weighs equally upon all."[8]
§ 2. The system of foreign inspectors did not, however, work without criticism or friction. The maxim — " Leave the Chinese to take care, themselves, of their customs business " — enunciated by Sir G, Bonham in 1851,[4] was set at naught by a procedure in which the inspectors were nominated by the consuls and were under the in- fluence of their nominators. Of the system it was said that its " power, respectability, and usefulness is entirely the result of the instruments, aid and countenance given by foreign governments ; it is an usurpation of an essential fimction of every healthy administration."[5] It was not a Chinese institution, able to call on the Chinese govern- ment for support in all matters ; and it existed by suffer- ance of the foreign governments which had created it, and of the foreign merchants who were nominally subject
[1] North-China Herald, Deo. 9th, 1854.
[2] Mr. Brooe to Lord J. Russell, Dot. 26th, 1860, Ck>rr. resp. Affairs in China, 1869-60, p. 249.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Of. chap, i, § 10.
[5] Mr. T. T. Meadows to Mr. Bruoe, Feb. 8th, 1868, Corr. resp. Earl of Elgin*s Mission, 1867-69, p. 198.
18M-7 CUSTOMS AUTHORITY FLOUTED 27
to its jurisdiction.[6] Its employees commanded no respect, and its regulations were scouted, or at best were accorded a condescending acquiescence, and in this attitude the merchants were not infrequently supported by consular authority. One instance of this attitude will suffice. Rice is an article of food, the supply and chea^Miess of which is held by the Chinese government to be essential to the well-being .of the millions of China ; on importation it was (and is) admitted free of all duty, while its export has always been strictly prohibited. On August 28th, 1857, the American firm of Russell & Co. applied for permit to tranship from an importing vessel, the Quickstep; American, to an exporting vessel, the Tahitian brig Spec^ under the French flag, 1600 bags of CcdcuUa rice, but permit was refused, this being the practice, owing to the impossibility of distinguishing between foreign rice, a permitted article of trade, and Chinese rice, trade in which was prohibited. On the same day, a representative of the French consul intervened and maintained that the rice was Siamese and therefore entitled to the permit. He was informed that the permit would be granted on receipt of a written declaration from Messrs. Russell & Co. that the rice in question was bona fide foreign rice, but that the opinion of the Taotai would be taken on the general question. That official expressed his disapproval of such a shipment ; and on receipt, the next day, of a second application to tranship 1600 bags of Java rice from the Quickstep to the Spee^ the permit was refused. Notwith- standing this the firm proceeded to make the transhipment, and, on September 2nd, a portion (400 bags) was seized by the customs officers while in transit. The firm then, acting under the sanction of the French consul, shipped two more boat -loads, and repelled with force the custom house officers who were sent to protest ; and ultimately the vessel siailed without, a permit, with its full cargo, but
[6] '' T therefore merely state as to the * only partial success * just mentioned, that, on passing through Shanghai a year ago, the representa- tive of a large and old established house volimteered to me this information, that he could, through his Chinese people, ' arrange for ' duties under the foreign inspectorate, just as he coiUd before its existence. . . . Corrup- tion with Chinese weakness may be suffered, because it can be overridden ; but oorruptiofi simported by extraneous strength would be an evil too monstrous for eaduranee.'* — Ibid,
28 THE INSPECTORATE GENERAL OF CUSTOMS CH. It
without having paid any duty. On September 22nd a letter of explanation and defence was sent by the Inspec- tors to the French consul, but it was returned unopened, on the ground that the consul could discuss French interests only with the Chinese authorities or with his colleagues, the other consuls.[7]
§8. This mercantile attitude to the Inspectors of customs was reflected in a letter addressed by the American merchants in 1856 to their representative. They recog- nised fully the merits of the institution, but declared that by it they were placed at a great disadvantage in com- parison with other ports.
" Custom House business in China under Chinese supervision is conducted with a facility which greatly aids in the despatch of business and the ready lading of ships when haste is of importance, while, with the minute and in some respects vexatious regulations established by the Inspectors, this advantage disappears. There- fore, while expressing our desire in all cases and circumstances fully, to meet our obligations under the treaty, a desire we have proved to be sincere by our conduct on all former occasions, we feel ourselves called upon by the interests of the port and of those whom we represent, to press earnestly upon your attention the expediency and justice of abolishing the present system.*'[8]
Of the English merchants, on the other hand, while some objected to the system, still the larger number approved it and desired its extension to all the treaty ports. The latter party declared that " a board of foreigi inspectors such as is now constituted, of three gentlemen unconnected with commercial interests, and acting imder the Taotai, is the only system, imder existing circum- stances, by which duties can be impartially levied and the rights of the fair trader effectually secured.* '[9] At a later date it was noted that *^ its. adoption at the other ports has been steadily refused by the Chinese, while Shanghai stands in the invidious position of having a strict
[7] North-China Herald, Sept. 2dth and Oct. 3id, 1857. Memorandum by H. N. Lay, Jan. 11th, 1862, Further Papers xel. Rebellion in China. 1863, p. 171.
[8] American merchants of Shanghai to Dr. Peter Parker, Aug. 5th in North-China Herald, Sept. 6th, 1856.
[9] English merohantB to Sir J. Bowring, Sept. 4th and 5th, in North- China Herald, Oct. 18th, 1856.
1856 MERCHANTS DIVIDED IN OPINION 29
collection of duties '' ; but, if it was thought desirable to retain the system at Shanghai, they considered it ^^ highly expedient that all the ports open to foreign trade should be placed on precisely the same footing as regards the collection of duties." K this could not be done, it was proposed that the trade of foreign merchants at the ports should be freed from the levy of any duty, leaving the Chinese government at liberty to collect what duties they liked from Chinese merchants. [10]
§4. At Canton the custom house was placed in 1858 under the control of the allied forces in military occupation of the city.[ll] At Amoy and Ningpo the foreign trade was of small importance ; and at Foochow the tea which was to become so important a factor in the trade of the port, was first brought down for shipment thence in 1854.[12] Here the Chinese fiscal system was retained in full force ; and the relative merit of the Shanghai system moved an Ekiglish firm at Shanghai in 1855 to request permission to pay in to the Shanghai consulate the duties leviable on their teas to be shipped from Foochow, " so that her Majesty's government may decide what is the just proportion due from us to the Imperial treasury." The facility desired was refused, and the duties were paid imder protest.[18] The next year in August an attempt was made by the American merchants of Foochow to make of it a free port, as Shanghai had been two years before, and four American ships left with cargoes of tea on which no duty had been paid. The ground for this action was the murder, earlier in the year, of an American named Cunningham, for which no redress had been obtained. A meeting of the Ekiglish merchants was held to consider the question, and, on September 28rd, the British consul issued a notification to the effect that he was ^* prepared to clear British vessels on receiving from their consignees written security for the pajonent of all dues and duties to
[10] BlemoFandum of Chamber of Commeroe, Lord Elgin to Lord Clarendon, Nov. 23rd and Dec. 22nd, 1857, Corr. rel. Lord Elgin's Mission, 1857-59, pp. 61 and 104.
[11] Lord Malmesbury to Lord Elgin, July 8th, 1858, Lord Elgin's Mission, 1857-59, p. 262.
[12] Of. " Conflict," chap. xiii. § 16.
[13] North-China Herald, Sept. 15th, 1855.
80 THE INSPECTORATE GENERAL OF CUSTOliS OB. II
which they are Uable under treaty." Thereupon the American consul issued a notification that :
"dtisEens of the United States importing or exporting mer- chandise Bubjeot to duty in any other than American ships, will pay the duty into the Chinese custom house, previous to such ship's depcurture. All persons except citizens of the United States who import or export merchandise subject to duty in an American ship, must pay the duty into the Chinese cUstom house, and furnish zne with satisf cMstory proof of the same previous to the departure of the ship."[14]
On reflection this tempest in a tea-pot was allayed, with the consent of all concerned, by a resumption of duty payment to the custom house.[15]
§5. At Shanghai, as •time went on, the Inspectors of customs commanded greater respect and their administra- tion met the approval of the mercantile body, in whose interest, quite as much as in that of the Chinese revenue, the system had been introduced ; and the feeling of the merchants, as reflected by the expressed opinion of the Chamber of Commerce, was that :
««
All the ports opened to foreign trade should be placed on precisely the scmie footing as regards the collection of duties. The system of foreign inspectorship . . . was instituted in consequence of the lax system previously prevailing on the part of the Chinese government, to prevent smuggling, and to place all upon an equcdity ; such a system, however, if continued under any new arrangement, must be applicable to all ports. . . . This system is the best, and has worked well at Shanghai.**[16]
And later it wa$ recorded that ** the merchants, as a body, have been well satisfied with the working of the system, and favourable to its extension to the other trading ports in China.** [17] The opinion of the merchants is likewise reflected in the Shanghai press, by which it was declared that :
** the experiment has succeeded to the extent of enforcing an equal and uniform payment of duties from all alike ; but, confined to one port only, it has placed that port at most unfair disadvantage as
[14] China Mail, Oct. 2nd, 1856.
[15] North-China Herald, Nov. 8th, 1856.
[16] Shanghai Chamber of Commerce to Lord Elgin, Oct. 2nd, 1857, Lord Elgin's Mission, 1857-59, p. 61.
[17] Mr. Bruce to Lord J. Russell, Oct. 26th, 1860, Corr. lesp. Affairs in China, 185&-60. p. 248.
1858 SYSTEM EXTENDED TO ALL PORTS 81
compared with its four competitors. . . . We are entitled to doubt whether the experiment is calcolated for general adoption, but there can be no manner of doubt that it must be applied to all or none." [18]
This was the view which prevailed in the mind of Lord Elgin when, acting in concert with the French and American envoys,[19] he signed, on November 8th, 1858, the " Agreement containing Rules of Trade.'* Of these Rule X provided that :
'* one uniform system shall be enforced at every port. The High Officer appointed by the Chinese government to superintend foreign trade . . . will be at liberty, of his own ohoioe and independently of the suggestion or nomination of any [British] authority, to select any [British] subjeot he may see fit to aid him in the administration of the Customs revenue ; in the,prev^tion of smuggling ; in the definition of port boundaries ; or in discharging the duties of harbour- mcister ; cdso in the distribution of lights , buoys, beacons, and the like, the maintenance of which shall be provided for out of the ton- nage due8."[20]
§6. Of the three Inspectors nominated in 1854, M. Arthur Smith, nominated by the Prench consul, was a man much respected, and had at first been proposed by the British and American consuls as sole inspector [21] ; but he (as did his successor, M. Edan) remained on the staff of his consulate, and regarded his customs responsibilities as subsidiary to his consular duties. The same was true of Mr, Lewis Carr, and of his successor as American nominee, Mr. M. W. Fish. The British nominee was Mr. T. F. Wade. He was succeeded in June, 1855, by lilr. H. N. Lay, who was *' lent '* from the consular service and devoted himself entirely to his customs charge. For this he was well qualified by his knowledge of the Chinese language, an acquirement not common in those days ; but he had one great defect, an imperious temper. This he had shown on several occasions, notably during the negotiations at Tientsin in June, 1858, when his bearing was such as to call out a formal protest from the Chinese negotiators, and to elicit a forcible expression of dis-
[18] North-China Herald, Oct. 9th, 1858. [19] Ct. " Conflict," chap, xxii, § 18.
[20] ** Agreement containing Rules of Trade made in pursuance of article xxvi of the Treaty of June 26th, 1858," Treaties, vol. 1, p. 230. [21] Cf. chap, i, { 22.
82 THE INSPECTORATE GENERAL OF CUSTOliS CH. II
approval from the Russian envoy [22] ; and he had, moreover, strong prejudices.[28] With all this, however, he had some great qualities : he was honest and energetic, and a capable organiser and administrator ; he looked constantly into the future and builded more for that than for the situation of the hour ; and to him, almost alone, certainly more than to any other man, was attributed the success of the inspectorate system at Shanghai. Because of his great merits, and despite his defects, he had acquired the confidence of the Chinese authorities.[24] He had gained the confidence of Lord Elgin, having been specially invited to join the delegates presenting the simultaneous notes of the four powers at Soochow in February, 1858,[25 to act as interpreter in the treaty negotiations in June,[26 and to be present at the discussions for settling the tariff and rules of trade in October [27] ; in fact he had been the guiding spirit in all the negotiations of that year. He had also conquered the respect of the foreign merchants, and convinced them that his administration had worked for the benefit of trade and therefore of themselves. Mr. Lay was therefore obviously indicated as the proper person to extend to the twelve ports opened imder the old and new treaties the system which had worked well in Shanghai.
§7. Mr. Lay, having first reorganised the Shanghai customs and placed it under a *^ commissioner of customs," [28] subject to his own general authority, pro- ceeded to Canton and in October, 1859, opened a custom
[22] Cf. " Conflict," cshap. xxii, ff 9. 10.
[23] *' It is a matter of notoriety that, from the first hour of the experi- ment, its initiation, its progress, its practical working and guidance, its whole merits and defects, have had their beginning and their end in one individual, the English and senior inspector, Mr. Lay. Whatever that gentleman's faults of taste and temper, and they are not few if his opponents are to be credited, he has proved himself an honest and vigilant official, and if not altogether impartial in the extension of the courtesies and facilities which lie in the discretion of his office, probably as much so as could be expected from one of his youth and his opportunities to be other- wise."—North-China Herald, Oct. 9th. 1858.
[24] Mr. Bruce to Lord J. Russell, Oct. 26th, 1860, Corr. resp. Aff. China, 1869-60, p. 249.
[26] Cf. " Conflict," chap, xxi, § 21.
[26] Ibid., chap, xxii, { 9, n. 46.
[27] Ibid., chap, xxii, § 18.
[28] North-China Herald, Oct. 22nd, 1869. The first commisaioner was William Lent, British.
1861 H. N. LAY FIBST INSPECTOR GENERAL 88
house there, organised on the Shanghai Unes. He then proceeded to Swatow, where a cnstom house was opened in January, 1860. The troubled state of the country delayed the further extension of the system,[29] and offices were opened at the other ports in the following years : 1861 — ^Ningpo, Foochow, Chinkiang, Tientsin and Ejukiang ; 1862 — Amoy and Hankow ; 1868 — Chefoo ; 1864 — ^Newchwang. Mr. Lay, however, in the part he took in this matter was only acting in the capacity provided for in the Rules of Trade — as the subordinate of the " High Officer appointed by the Chinese government to superintend foreign trade." The conventions of Peking, 1860, having provided for the pa3rment of the indemnities from the customs receipts,[80] it became necessary to organise a consolidated service under the direct control of the imperial government ; and, by a despatch from Prince Kung dated January 21st, 1861, he was appointed Inspector General of Customs,[81] " to exercise a general supervision over all things pertaining to the customs revenue and to foreign trade." It was to be his duty to " aid the officers deputed to collect the revenue at the different ports " ; to see that ^* foreigners did not sell goods for Chinese, and that the goods of Chinese merchants were not clandestinely included
[29] " I beg to acquaint you that, in consequence of the publication of an Order in Council by H.M. the Queen, which precludes me from further assisting the Chinese government in the collection of revenue at the present conjuncture, I have this day personally intimated to the Qo^emor-Gtenend and Hoppo my intention to withdraw, for the time being, from aJl connection with the Chinese Customs, until the restoration of peace shall have been proclaimed by the Ambasisador, the Earl of Elgin." —H. N. Lay to F. Wilzer, Hongkong, Aug. 18th, 1860.
" I have resumed my post as Inspector General, and you will please hand over charge again to Mr. Ward on his arrival." — ^H. N. Lay to F. Wilzer^ Shanghai, Sept. 20th, 1800.
** As I propheried, there is a row in the camp. Consequent upon the •apposed eommenoement of hostilities in the north and an Order of Council in England, Mr. Lay feels called xxpon to resign his position in the Customs, and has advised all British subjects to do ditto."— W. Wallace Ward to F. Wiker, Hon^ong, Aug. 21st, 1800.
** On my arrival here I was delighted to find that Mr. [Tudor] Davies has taken a sensible view of the state of affairs, and has not resigned his position in the Customs." — Same to same, Shanghai, Sept. 4th, 1860.
[80] Cf. " Conflict," chap, xtvi, § 26.
[31] The commissioners of customs had been c€dled " shui-wu-sze," thus placing them in the ranks of the provincial administration. Mr.- Lay was appointed to be '* tsung-shui-wu-sze," which may be rendered " chief commisflioner." He adopted, however, ** L^pector General " as his title in English.
34 THE INSPECTORATE GENERAL OF CUSTOMS CB. 11
in foreign cargo " ; and, as it was impossible for the Chinese to gauge the relative merits of foreigners, he was to be " responsible for the misconduct of the foreign stafi» was not to permit the commissioners or others of the staff to engage in trade, and was to dismiss any who were unsatisfactory.' * [82]
§ 8. On the opening of navigation to Tientsin in March, Mr. Lay was summoned to Peking for a personal conference with I^ince Kung ; and soon after his return to Shanghai he was severely woimded while engaged as a volunteer in the defence of the settlements against riotous bands of marauders. This reduced him to such a low state of health that he was compelled to drop all work, and he obtained leave of absence to enable him to return to England. To fill temporarily the post of Inspector General of Customs, a commission, dated June 80th, was issued to Mr. Robert Hart and Mr. G. H. Fitz-Roy conjointly, the wording of the despatch following closely that issued to Mr. Lay earlier in the year. [88] But, on the occurrence of Mr. Lay's incapacity, Mr. Hart had been smnmoned to Peking, and it was he alone who, on June 80th, communicated the text of the despatch to the conmiissioners in charge of the seven ports which had then been opened — including Mr, Fitz-Roy himself, who was, and remained, in charge of the Shanghai customs. Mr. Hart had no separate port, and during the next two years the actual direction of the service remained in his hands.
§ 9. In the course of suppressing the Taiping rebellion, the Chinese authorities had, on occasion, made use of chartered foreign vessels with foreign officers, in order to impose some check on the supply of arms to the rebels. [84]
[32] Cha-tse of Prince Kung to H. N. Lay, Jan. 21st, in North-China Herald, Maroh 9th, 1S61.
[33] Mr. Hart arrived in Hongkong in May, 1854, and was appointed Supernumerary in the British Superintendency of Trade. In the next four years he was Assistant in the Coxisulates at Ningpo and Canton. In April, 1868, he was appointed Secretary to the Allied Commissioners for the Gtoveiiunent of the City of Canton ; and, in October, Interpreter to the British Consulate. In June, 1859, having been granted special permission to refdgn, he was appointed Deputy Commiasioner in the newly created Chinese Customs at Canton. Mr. Fitz-Roy came to China in 1857 as Attach^ to Lord Elgin's mission, and, on the departure of the mission, re- ceived the appointment of Commissioner in charge of the Shanghai customs.
[94] For example, the Confuoiua (" Conflict,'* chap, xv, } 5, poatea, ohap. iv, § 6). and the Clown, and Campion. (* 'Conflict,** chap, xvi, § 3.)
1862 LAY TO EQUIP FLEET 85
In 1862 it was suggested to the imperial government that a properly organised navy should be created, manned by Europeans, for the purpose of hemming in the Taiping forces ; and Mr. Hart proposed to Prince Kung that advantage should be taken of Mr. Lay's presence in Eng- land, to put the matter in his hands. Mr. Hart was accordingly, on March 14th, directed to write, instructing Mr. Lay to purchase and equip a steam fleet in England, and to ^' lose not a day " in bringing it out to China.[85] On receiving these instructions, Mr. Lay informed the Foreign Office of his mission, stating that the purpose of the force was primarily to re-establish the imperial authority on the Yangtze and commercial security on the inner waters, and next to suppress piracy along the coast ; and he asked that the sanction of the government be given '^ in order that officers and men, British subjects, may be at liberty to take employment under the Chinese govern- ment." [86] Later, having selected Captain Sherard Osbom to command the fleet, he applied for the '^ Queen's licence, authorising Horatio Nelson Lay and Sherard Osbom, a captain in the Royal Navy, to accept naval and military service in the employ of the Chinese government, to fit out and equip vessels for warlike purposes in China, and to enlist British subjects to serve in naval and military operations in China."[87] The decision of the govern- ment was that licences imder the Royal Sign -Manual might be granted to enter the Chinese service, and also to fit out and equip vessels for the Chinese government, but that no measures should be taken in reference to Mr. Lay's desire to enlist British subjects. [88]
§10. At this stage two points were raised, on which Earl Russell desired fuller information — ^the flag under which the men were to serve, and Mr. Lay's authority for acting on behalf of the Chinese government. China had
[35] Corr. reap, the fitting out, etc., of the Anglo-Chineae Fleet under the oommand of Capt. Sherard Osbom, and the dimiasal of Mr. Lay from the Chief Inspectorate of Customs (referred to as *' Anglo-Chinese Fleet "), p. 8.
[36] Mr. Lay to Earl Russell, June 16th, 1862, Corr. resp. employment onder the Government of China of officers in the naval or military service of her Majesty, 1862, p. 1.
[37] Same to same, July 9th, 1862, ibid., p. 4.
[38] Mr. Layaid (F.O.) to Mr. Clive (Home Office), July 30th, 1862, ibid., p. 6.
86 THE IK8FECTORATE OENEBAL OF CUSTOMS GB. ll
no national flag : the only national flags it knew were those indicating that the envoys of vassal states were bearers of tribute ; and the empire required no distinguishing emblem. Ships of war commissioned to suppress re- bellion and piracy must, however, fly a national flag» in order that the ships of Western powers might recognise their legal right ; and Mr. Lay was driven to devise a flag to serve the purpose. He therefore proposed to adopt as the national ensign of China one bearing on a green field a yellow cross saltire.[89] The question having been re- ferred to Peking, Prince Kung informed the foreign envoys that a triangular yellow flag charged with a dragon had been adopted as the ^^ government flag of China," and that it was to be flown on all Chinese war vessels.[40] Mr. Lay received corresponding instructions ; but he so inter- preted them that he sent to Earl Russell a drawing of the flags to be flown by the ships equipped by him and Captain Osborn — " Ensign : green ground, intersected by two yellow diagonal bands, bearing the Lnperial Jack in the centre. Jack: yellow, triangular, with Imperial blue dragon." [41]
§11. In acting on the authority of despatches from Mr. Hart, Mr. Lay had followed Chinese custom. Com- missions were unknown, and official action was in that country taken by authority of imperial orders transmitted by despatch through the proper channels. Mr. Lay accordingly informed the Foreign Office that he " held such written authority, dated the 14th March, 1862, from my locum tenens, Mr. Hart, to purchase and equip a steam fleet, in accordance with instructions from the imperial government " ; and added that he had since, by direction of Prince Kung^ received regular remittances of money for that purpose, and had been urged to lose no time in carrying out his instructions. [42] Subsequently Mr. Lay's com- mission was made regular by the communication by Prince
[39] Mr. Lay to Earl Ruasell, Aug. 13th, 1862, " Anglo-Chineae Fleet," p. 1 . This flag haa from that time been flown as Jack at the bow of Chinese customs cruisers.
[40] Prince Kung to Mr. Bruce, Oct. 22nd, 1862, ibid., p. 5 ; to Mr. Burlingame, U.S. For. Bel., 1863, ii, p. 836.
[41] Mr. Lay to Earl Bussell, Jan. 28th, 1863, " AnglcChinese Fleet/' p. 4.
[42] Mr. Lay to Mr. Hammond, Oct. 9th. 1862, ibid., p. 3.
1863 TS£ LAYrOSBOBN A6BEEKENT 87
Kung to Mr. Bruce of instructions sent on October 24th, by which Mr. Lay was charged with the purchase of ships , cannon, ammunition, coal and other supplies for the ships ; the engagement of officers, gunners, and sailors for manning the ships, and " to make whatever arrangements may, in his judgment, seem desirable in carrying out this purpose ** ; and the retention of a reserve fimd to provide for any liabilities which might be incur red. [48] This placed Mr. Lay on a satisfactory footing with the British government ; and, in recognition of his past services in organising the customs establishment, and of his present important posi- tion, he received the distinction of a Companionship of the Order of the Bath.
§12. A compact squadron of seven steamers capable of serving as a war fleet, besides one store ship, was bought and equipped, and was despatched to China. Before it sailed, an agreement [44] was drawn up and signed by Mr. Lay and Captain Osbom in the following terms.
"London, Janttahy 16th, 1863.
" The following conditions embody our mutual understanding :
" 1. Osbom agrees to take the ' command of the European- Chinese navy for a period of four years, and stipulates that there shall be no other European naval Commander-in-Chief.
*' 2. Osbom, as Commander-in-Chief, is to have entire control over all vessels of Europeem construction, as well as native vessels manned with Europeans, that may be in the employ of the Emperor of China, or, under his authority, of the native guilds.
" 3. Lay will procure from the Emperor such an authority as may be necessary to cover Osborn's acts as the Commander-in-Qiief of the European-Chinese navy.
** 4. Osbom undertakes to act upon all orders of the Emperor which may be conveyed direct to Lay ; and Osborn engages not to attend to any orders conveyed through any other channel.
" 5. Lay, upon his part, engages to refuse to be the medium of any orders of the reasonableness of which he is not satisfied.
'* 6. Osborn will appoint all officers and men on board the vessels of the force, subject however, to the approval of Lay, as the repre- sentative of the Emperor.
" 7. Osborn's subordinates will not be at liberty to act without his permission ; and Lay will not authorise his subordinates to call upon them to eust without having first consulted Osborn, and obtained the necessary order.
[43] Fkinoe Kung to Mr. Lay, Dot. 24th, 1862, " Anglo-Caiinesd Fleet/' n 6
[44] IWd., p. 7.
88 THE mSFECTORATE GENEBAL OF CUSTOMS OH. II
" 8. Lay and Osbom agree to carefully inquire into any com- plainta that may be preferred against the officerB aad men employed in the force by Chinese officials.
" 9. The force being European, it is indispensable that the flag under which it acts should have an Euroi)ean character, first, to secure its own efficiency ; secondly, to ensiire for it due respect in the eyes of the foreign communities.
" Lay, therefore, agrees that the flag shall be green, with two yellow ^agonal bands, bearing in the centre a blue imperial dragon. Oreen is chosen because it is rarely used by European Powers, and therefore not likely to be confounded with any other national colours.
"10. Lay undertakes to procure from the Emperor, as soon as possible, a sum of money ea a guarantee fund, to cover the pay and maintenance of the force for four years, and in the meantime it is understood that the vessels, with their equipment, will constitute the security for the just claims of the force.
*' 11. In the event of the death of either Lay or Osborn, these conditions, which are entered into with the authority of the ESmperor of China, are not, it is understood, in either case to be departed from.
" 12. The conditions of this understanding, the terms of the formal agreement, and the printed instructions, shall be formally ratifled by the Emperor at Pekin, before Osborn shall be called upon to act with the force under his commemd.
''13. Li the event of Osborn*s death from disease while in com- mand of the force. Lay will recommend the Emperor of China to make some grant to his widow and children.
" (Signed) H. N. Lay.
Sebbabd Obbobn.**
§18. Mr. Lay was a man of magnificent conceptions, who saw in the simple task, with which he had been charged, an opportunity to regenerate China and to establish her relations with the Western powers on a new and sounder footing. In these new relations he was to be the guiding spirit of the imperial government. He was :
" ambitious of obtaining the position of middle-man between China and the foreign powers, because I thought I saw a way of solving the problem of placing pacific relations with China upon a sure footing. . . . My position was that of a foreigner engsged by the Chinese government to perform certain work for them, not under them. I need scarcely observe that the notion of a gentleman acting under an Asiatic barbarian is preposterous.*'[46]
[45] H. N. Lay, " Our Interests in China,'* p. 19. " Lay paralt avoir ^t^, sinon frapp6 d*un aco^s de msgalomanie, au moins complltement d6- pourvu de taot.** — Cordier, " Relations de la Chine avec las Puissanoes Oooidentales," i, p. 155.
1863 MOTIVES OF LAY AND OSBORN 89
While this was the motive influencing Mr. Lay, who had been ^* acting under an Asiatic bu-barian " and drawing Chinese pay for eight years,[46] Captain Osborn also accepted service imder the Asiatic barbarian and took his pay with a similar reservation ; and he defended clauses 4 and 5 of the agreement by remarking — ^" Is this squadron to carry on war in China upon a Chinese method ? Through what channel is Captain Osborn, unacquainted as he is with the language, to commimicate with the emperor or regent ? How shall he be protected against the charge of disobedience of orders ? How are cruel or unjust orders from Peking to be prevented ? How shall European officers and seamen levy war for a barbarous sovereign, without being made to participate in acts which our country would repudiate ? "[47]
§ 14. These being the views of the two colleagues, the instruction given to Mr. Lay *'*' to make whatever arrange- ments may, in his judgment, seem desirable," [48] was interpreted in a sense so wide that the interpretation was not likely to be accepted by the ministers responsible for the administration of the empire. Mr. Lay had taken upon himself to alter the constitution of China ; to declare that the practice of working through the provincial authori- ties was to be abandoned ; to force the imperial govern- ment to establish, for the first time, an imperial navy, and even (clause 2 of the agreement) to embody in it the ships which were then engaged, under provincial authority, in suppressing rebelhon and piracy ; and for this purpose Mr. Lay, a foreign subordinate employed in commercial affairs,[49] was to be First (and sole) Lord of the Admiralty, responsible only to, and taking his orders only from, the emperor or his premier. Captain Osborn arrived in Shanghai with the last of his fleet in September, 1868, and found, awaiting his arrival, a despatch from Prince Kung in which he was informed that '' the high Chinese officer already nominated by the Viceroy of the Two Kiang and
[46] Of. chap, i, f 22.
[47] " Anglo-Chineae Fleet/* p. 8.
[48] Cf. antes, f 11.
[49] '* They do not look upon the Inapeotor-Genefal as cmything mora than a subordinate officer in their employ, . . . they do not consider him as a political officer at all, nor do Uiey consult him as of riff ht even in questions affecting foreign trade.**— Sir F. Bruce to Earl Russell, Nov. 19th, 1863, " Anglo-Chineee Fleet,** p. 22.
40 THE INSPECTORATE OENEBAL OF CUSTOMS OH. n
the Governor of Kiangsu was appointed commander-in-chief of the fleet}*' that Captain O^bom himself was appointed assistant conmiander-in-chief, and that the expenditure for its maintenance was entrusted to Mr. Lay. As assis- tant commander-in-chief Captain Osborn was to have control of the foreigners of the fleet, but in his operations he was to be under the orders of the viceroys and governors within whose jurisdiction he might be.[50]
§1S. This was the way in which the ministers of an empire, struggling for its existence indeed, but as yet still a sovereign state, interpreted the instructions given to Mr. Lay. Any other interpretation was out of the question . Apart from all other considerations it would have been quite impossible for the imperial administration to over- ride the authority of the viceroy and the governor then engaged in the operations against Nanking and Soochow which were to have been supported by the fleet. The one was Tseng Kwo-fan, who had brought his co-provincials, the men of Hunan, to the rescue of the empire, and who, after a victorious career in Hupeh and Kiangsi, had been appointed High Commissioner and Viceroy of the Two Kiang, and was then in command of the troops operating against Nanking. The other was Li Himg-chang, who had shown ability, courage, and patriotism in the defence of his native province, Anhwei, who had been the lieutenant of Tseng in his campaigns, and who, on Tseng's nomina- tion, had been appointed Governor of Kiangsu ; he was now in command of the troops operating against Soochow, included in which was the ** Ever-victorious Army," formerly under Ward, now under Gordon. The wishes of these two high officers were the dominant factor in the situation ; and, even had he desired it. Prince Kung was not free to delegate uncontrolled authority over the fleet to two Englishmen who might, for aught the Chinese could know, have at any time imitated the treason of Burgevine, another foreigner who had been in their service.[51]
§16. Two courses were open to Captain Osborn. He might have used his fleet in the way required of him, recording such protest as might seem to him necessary ;
[50] Prince Kung to Capt. OBbom, July 8th, 1863, tranamittod in latter Mr. Lay to Capt. Osborn, Sept. 25th, ** Anglo-Chinese Fleet," p. 6. [51] CI. ohap. iv, { 20 ; ohap. ▼, {§ 9, 10.
1863 AGBKEBCENT BEPUDIATED BY CHINA 41
have made good his promise of effective co-operation ; and» on the first barbarous act demanded of him, or if he strongly disapproved of the strategy of his superiors, he might have resigned his office, as Gk)rdon repeatedly threatened to do during the same year. In such a case it cannot be doubted that he would have carried with him all his officers and most of his sailors, so entirely was he trusted by all under his command.[52] He preferred the alternative course. He took the fleet from Shanghai, where efforts had been made to entice his men from him, and, leaving it at Chefoo, proceeded in person to Peking ; there he found Mr. Lay, who had arrived at the capital in June. He at once demanded the ratification, in its entirety, of the agreement which he had entered into with Mr. Lay, to whom had been given " formal authority to enter into all such agreements as he might think necessary *' ; and he declared that he had *^ no intention of submitting to such terms '' as those contained in Prince Kung's despatch to himself: naval operations could not be successful if he was fettered ; he had come " to serve the emperor, not to be the servant of mere provincial authorities " ; his officers and men had joined ^^ imder a specific agreement to serve me as commander-in-chief " ; and he declined to put himself in the humiliating position occupied by Major Gordon, especially under so " unprincipled an official " as Li Hung-chang.[58] After waiting at Peking for three weeks without obtaining ratification of his agreement or modi- fication in the arrangements proposed. Captain Osbom informed Prince Kung that, in the existing situation, it would be necessary to " immediately disband the force."[54] In conmiunicating this intention to the British envoy, he recognised that, as the vessels had been paid for by the Chinese, he had no right to detain them, but he pointed out the *^ danger if vessels of so formidable a character were trusted to the rowdies and pirates now so numerous in Shanghai."[55]
[52] Personal statement of Mr. W. Cartwright, who was midshipman in die Ang}o-Chineee fleet, and who spent in Chiaa the next thirty years of his life.
[53] Cftpt. Oabom's remark upon Prinoe Kong's Letter of Instructions, Sept. 28th, 1803. " Anglo-Chineae Fleet," p. 10.
[54] Capt. Osbom to Prince Kung, Oct. 15th, 1863, ibid., p. 12.
[55] Capt. Osbom to Sir F. Bruce, Oct. 19th, 1863, ibid., p. 13.
42 THE INSPECTORATE OENEBAL OF CUSTOMS CH. II
§ 17. This danger had been pointed out by others ; also the danger, if the ships were not delivered to the Chinese, but were to be sold, of their getting into the hands of the Taiping rebels or of hostile Daimios in Japan.[56] There was above all the danger lest they might be bought by the American Southern Confederacy, and, having their base in a country which could not properly defend its neutrality, might then be used as privateers to attack American shipping. This was represented to the British envoy, who at once recognised the gravity of the danger,[57] and, influenced as much by this as by other considerations, he instructed Captain Osborn that the men were to be paid off and sent home, and that the ships were to be sent to England or to India, and there sold for the benefit of the Chinese government. At the same time he provided for the possibility that the Chinese government, not having the ships delivered to its officers, might refuse to recognise their liability for payment of the men on board, and under- took in such event to meet any deficiency on this head out of the indemnity payable under the treaties of 1858 and 1860, besides advising the British government to buy the ships. [58] The Chinese government had, up to the end of October, spent a sum of Tls. 1,295,000,[59] to obtain a fleet, and had incurred a further liability of Tls. 875,000 for disbanding the force and sending the ships back to England [60] ; and for this expenditure of over £550,000 sterling it had nothing.
§18. Captain Osborn's position was difficult. When he made his agreement with Mr. Lay, he was still in England, and his force was yet to be enlisted. Had he been on the field of operations, as was Gordon, and had his force been ready to his hand, as the " Ever-victorious Army '* was to
[56] Sir F. Bruce to Earl Russell, Nov. 19th, 1863, ibid., p. 23.
[57] Mr. A. Burlingame to Sir F. Bruce, Nov. 7th, 1863, U.S. For. Rel. , 1 864, iii, p. 349. The Secretary of State later instructed the Axnerican envoy in London to " make a further expression of the estimation in which Sir F. Bruce' s conduct is held by the American government.'* — Mr. Seward to Mr. Burlingame, March 21st, 1864, ibid., p. 378.
[68] Sir F. Bruoe to Capt. Osborn, Nov. 6th, 1863, " Anglo-Chinese Fleet," p. 14 ; Mr. Seward to Mr. C. F. Adams (U.S. envoy to England), Dec. 2nd, 1865, U.S. For. Rel.. 1866, i, p. 670.
[69] Prince Kung to Mr. Lay, Nov. 20th, 1863, " Anglo-Chinese Fleets" p. 39.
£60] Mr. Lay to Prince Kung, Nov. 20th, 1863, ibid., p. 38.
1863 POSITION OF CAPTAIN OSBOBN 48
Gordon's, he could have unhesitatingly accepted a com- mand with a Chinese superior, and found in a resignation of his commission a complete remedy for any wrongs inflicted on him, as did Gordon only a month later.[61] But Gordon did not have the personal responsibility toward the force under him that weighed on Osbom ; and when the latter refused to hand the ships over to the Chinese, and declared that he must disband his force, if his com- mand was not conditioned by his agreement with Mr. Lay, whom he considered to have been provided with full powers, his conduct met with the approval of those best qualified to judge. The British envoy entirely approved the " honourable and dignified course ** Captain Osborn had pursued. " An oflScer more alive to pecuniary advantages, and less careful of his own honour, might have admitted some unsatisfactory compromise as to his posi- tion. . . . However disappointing the result of your honourable wish to advance the cause of progress in China, you have the consolation of knowing that you have gained the respect and approval of persons of every nation who are acquainted with the course you have pursued."[62] In writing to the Foreign Office he bore further testimony to the '^ great sagacity and the most honourable spirit '' shown by Captain Osborn.[68] The American envoy had taken a prominent part in composing the awkward position in which the British and Chinese governments had found themselves, for which he had been specially thanked by the British envoy and by Prince Kung [64] ; he too expressed a favourable opinion of Captain Os bom's action :
*' Had Captain Osbom thought more of his pecuniary interests and less of his own and his country's honour, he would have taken the oommand on the Chinese conditions. . . . For his noble course I do hope he may be appreciated at home, as he is here, not only by the representatives of foreign governments, but by the C^iinese them- selves. They had come to believe that every foreigner could be had for money, upon any terms. One mem has illustrated the higher
[61] Of. ohap. V, f 14.
[eS] Sir F. Bruce to Capt. OBbom, Nov. 6th, lSd3, " Anglo-Chinese Sleet," p. 14.
[63] Sir F. Bruce to Earl RusseU, Nov. 10th, 1863, ibid., p. 25.
[64] Same to same, Nov. 10th, 1863, ubi Bup. ; Tsungli Yamen to Mr. Burlingame, Nov. 2mi and 23rd, 1863, U.S. For. ReL, 1864, iii, pp. 345, 340.
44 THE INSPECTORATE GENERAL OF CUSTOICS OH. XI
quality of western civilisation, and that man is Captain Sherard. 08born."[66]
The French and Russian envoys also approved the course which had been followed.[66] The Chinese govern- ment could not be expected to enter fully into the feelings which moved Captain Osbom to deprive them of the use of a fleet for which they had paid and on which they had counted for the suppression of the rebellion ; but none the less they expressed their thanks to him and to the British government for what had been done in their behalf » and spontaneously presented him with a sum of Tls. 10,000 over and above all sums due under his contract.[67]
§19. On Mr. Lay the vexation of the Chinese was visited. To his faulty arrangements they ascribed all the difficulties that had arisen. At the time when the definite instructions to Mr. Lay had been sent through Mr. Hart, in October, 1862, the latter proposed that " an officer of high rank be appointed to act with Sherard Osbom in the control and management of the fleet," and further pro- posed the appointment of Chinese officers, one for each ship, and the enlistment for the fleet of 200 Hunan men as gunners, 200 Shantung men as sailors, and 150 Manchus as marines ; and he added — " The above is only a general idea of the probable arrangement ; w^hat the actual arrange- ment will be, can only be kno\\Ti when the vessels arrive."[68] The Chinese naturally expected that the organisation of the fleet would be effected on these lines, and that there was " no intention of depriving the Chinese government of the military authority "[69] ; but Mr. Lay declared that he had never received the letter com- municating these intent ions. [70] When, then, the Chinese were confronted with the organisation proposed in the Lay- Osborn agreement, they were taken aback ; they saw danger ahead in other directions if a subordinate officer could thus arrogate to himself sovereign authority. There
[66] Mr. Borlingame to Mr. Seward, Nov. 7ih, 1863, ibid., p. 343.
[66] Ibid.
[67] Ibid. ; Prinoe Kung to Sir F. Bruce, Nov. 2nd, 1863, " Anglo- Chineae Fleet,'* p. 31.
[68] Mr. Hart to Prinoe Kung, Got. 1862, " Anglo-Chineae Fleet," p. 28.
[69] Prince Kung to Sir F. Bruce, Got. 26th, 1863, ibid., p. 27.
[70] Mr. Burlingame to Mr. Seward, Nov. 7th, 1863, U.S. For. Rel., 1864, ui, p. 343.
1863' lay's ACnOK GENERALLT CONDEMNED 45
were some foreigners who declared that Mr. Lay was made a " scapegoat/* the Chinese having themselves altered their line of policy [71]; but otherwise the chorus of condem- nation was universal. The British envoy attributed to "the honours conferred on him by her Majesty and his acquaintance with men of influence and standing/' the assumption by Mr. Lay of " rather the dictatorial tone of an independent authority than the language of persuasion appropriate to the agent of the government he was ad- dressing.*' No action had been taken by the foreign envoys to thwart the ratification of the agreement, and the opposition to it came entirely from the Chinese, who con- sidered that, by the powers to be " vested in Mr. Lay, he would be enabled, indirectly, to compel them to act in all matters in subservience to his will." The language and pretensions of Mr. Lay tended to increase these appre- hensions : he demanded an imperial palace to live in ; he " acted as if he held the independent position of head of a great revenue department," superior to the control of ministers of state; he would give no accounts, but promised them ^^ in due time " ; and he demanded the dismissal of two Chinese colleagues appointed to act conjointly with himself in control of the customs. Li short, " it was impossible to doubt " that he aimed at an im- f ettered control of the customs collection and of the foreign policy of the empire — " He was to dictate the policy to be pursued ; it was to be promulgated to the empire by imperial decree, and to be executed " by the fleet and land forces, " the expenses of which were to be provided for out of the customs revenue." In all this he had mis- taken his position. In all the four months, June to October, he had not once been admitted to a personal inter- view with Prince Kimg ; and the Chinese were " profoimdly irritated, not only because of the embarrassments in which they are involved by his having exceeded his authority, but on accoimt of the position he thus sought to create for himself — they attribute his conduct to personal motives, and their confidence in the good faith of foreign agents has been most seriously shaken."[72]
[71] Michie, ** Engliahmaa in China/' i, p. 389 ; editorial in North- China Herald, Jan. 2nd, 1864.
[72] Sir F. Bruoe to Earl BusseU, Nov. 19th, 1863, " Anglo-Chinese Fleet," p. 21.
46 THE INSPECTORATE GENERAL OF CUSTOMS OB. 12
§ 80. This summary of Mr. Lay's attitude, as reported by the British envoy, was confirmed by the direct state- ments of the Chinese authorities to the American and other envoys resident in Peking :
*' that they had lost confidence in Mr. Lay ; that he had not only required that the flotilla should be placed in his hands, but that he should have entire control of the customs revenue ; that he had been impertinent to them ; that he had demanded to be put on a level with the chief officers of the government ; that he had requested that large stuns of money should be given him, so that at Peking he might maintain more than imperial state; that he had requests a f oo to live in, against the customs of the empire, as none but members of the royal family are permitted to reside in these."[73J
The foreign envoys were further informed that, if Mr- Lay had been a Chinese subject, he would have been punished according to law ; but as he was an Ejiglishman, he would be merely dismissed from the Chinese service. [74]
§21. Mr. Lay was accordingly, on November 15th, dismissed from his post of Inspector General of customs. He was instructed to hand over his balances forthwith, and was given four months in which to close up his accounts and hand them to his successor. At the same time the Chinese eased the blow by liberality in money matters : they made him a special allowance of Tls. 8000 a month (Tls. 15,000 in all) for the expenses of his establishment in Peking from June to November 15th ; his salary, origin- ally Tls. 12,000 a year, was increased to Tls. 24,000, and at this rate he was authorised to draw from May 1st, 1863, to March 15th, 1864 ; and he was given a special gratuity of Tls. 6000.[75] Though he received permission to leave China before the end of the four months allowed to him, these sums were paid in full ; and Mr. Lay received £14,000 sterling for the period during which he was in conflict with the government in whose service he was.
§22. Mr. Robert Hart was appointed to succeed Mr. Lay as Inspector General of customs. The appoint-
[73] Mr. Burlingame to Mr. Seward, Nov. 23rd, 1863, U.S. For. ReL, 1864, iii, p. 348.
[74] Circular despatch of Prince Kung to foreign envoya, Nov. I5th^ 1863, '* Anglo-Chineee Fleet," p. 35 ; Cordier, *' R^laUona," i, p. 156.
[75] Le&patchee of Prince Kung in Sir F. Brace to Earl Runell, Nov. 27th, 1863, '' Anglo-Chmese Fleet,** p. 34.
1863 H. N. LAY SUCCEEDED BT BOBEBT HABT 47
ment met with general approval. Prince Kung himself recorded that " your prudence, tact, and experience are known to all."[76] Sir F. Bruce stated, with reference to the subordinate position of the Inspector General, that '^ it was only at my invitation • • . that Mr. Hart was able two years ago to come to Peking,[77] and it was only by his tact, good sense, and modesty that he obtained access to Prince Kung " [78] ; and later he expressed the hope that '^ the change will make the custom house work more smoothly." [79] The American envoy, Mr. Burlingame, was no less pronounced — " Mr. Hart has deservedly their confidence. For two years past he has acted in the place of Mr. Lay, and by his tact and ability has won the regard of every one. Our countrymen were particularly well pleased with him." [80] The opinion of the foreign mer- chants may be foimd in the following expression — ^*' Mr. Lay has contrived to make himself most obnoxious to all the foreign community in China, and his dismissal, together with the appointment of the gentleman who succeeds him, has received unqualified approbation from all classes. "[81] It had been specially arranged that Mr. Hart was not to reside in Peking ; during his acting incumbency of the post of Lispector General, he had come to Peking only " when sent for on business " ; and this course was considered desirable, since, if he were permanently to reside in Peking, he would be ^^ supposed to act as the adviser of the Chinese in matters not pertaining to his office, and thereby incur the odium of the errors they commit."[82] The needs of the time were, however, too urgent to permit of the Chinese ministers depriving themselves of the counsel of one whose
[76] Prince Kung to Mr. Hart, Nov. 16th, 1863, ibid., p. 36. See alao chap, iii, n. 16.
[77] Cf. antea, f 8.
[78] Sir F. Bruoe to Earl Ruaaell, Kov. 19th, 1863, ubi sup.
[79] Same to same, Nov. 27th, 1863, ubi sup.
[80] Mr. Burlingame to Mr. Seward, Nov. 23rd, 1863, U.S. For. Rel., 1864, in, p. 348.
[81] North-China Herald, Jan. 2nd, 1864.
[82] Sir F. Bruoe to Earl Ruaaell, Nov. 27th, 1863, " Anglo-Chinese jf Jeov, p. ov.
'* After what had happened, we [the foreign envojrs] felt it to be our doty to urge upon them [uie Chinese] the expediency of not permitting the inspector of customs, or any other foreign employ^, whose business was on the coast, to reside at Peking in a quasi-diplomatic capacity.'* — Mr. Bur- lingame to Mr. Seward, Nov. 23rd, 1863, ubi sup.
48 THE INSPECTORATE GEKEllAL OF CUSTOHS OK. II
advice was to be their guide in difficulties for so many years to come. Mr. Hart returned to Shanghai at once after receiving his appointment, in order to close up the accounts of the fleet ; in May, 1864, he returned to Peking, and, except for an expedition to open Newchwang in September, remained there until the end of October ; then he returned to Shanghai, and during the winter visited the several ports under his jurisdiction. The following August, 1865, found him with his office established at Peking, and there it remained permanently from that time.[88]
[83] Cu8toin0 arohiveB.
He was summoned to Peking by Prince Kumg, and had, himself, znade all his arrangements for making his headquarters in Shanghai. — Peisonal statement of W. Cartwright, who was then on his stafT.
'* I am still at Peking and may possibly remain here ; rather a sell, for I had just moved into and furnished my house at Shanghai ! The Yamen, however, thinks that I can be of more use at Peking, and I am likely to receive orders to reside here permanently." — ^R. Hart to C. Hannen^ Sept. 28th, 1865.
CHAPTER ni
THE COUP D'ETAT
TAtm
1. Foreign envoys adopt policy of oo-operation ... 49
2. Prussian envoy signs treaty, Sept. 2, 1861 ... 50
3. Residence in Peking denied to Prussian envoy ... 51
4. Court continues to maintcun belligerent attitude 52 6. Conspiracy at Jehol to seise the power .... 52
6. Yehonala, her life and influence ..... 54
7. Power of Yehonala and Prince Kung undermined . 54
8. Death of Hienfeng ; board of regency created » Aug. 22. • 55
9. Strength of precedent adverse to plans of regents 56
10. Opposition growing in Peking ..... 57
11. Arrest ojf co-regents, Nov. 4 . . .57
12. The two empresses appointed co-regents .... 58
13. Reorganisation of the administration .... 59
14. Punishment of the conspirators ..... 59
15. Irregularity of Yehonala*s position forces her to abandon
emti-foreign policy ...... 60
16. Relations of Yehonala with Prince Kung ... 62
17. Change in imperial policy acceptable to Chinese and
foreigners alike ....... 63
§ 1. Th£ most important point settled as the result of the war of 1860 was that the envoys of the four treaty powers should reside permanently in Peking, and not simply visit the capital when called there by urgent business. [1] The British and French legations travelled together from Tientsin in the spring of 1861 ; but, as the French envoy, M. de Bourboulon, had not yet been presented to Prince Kung, who was acting as vice- gerent of the emperor, he made the first entry into Peking on March 25th ; the British representative, Mr. Frederick W. A. Bruce, entered the next day. Each legation occupied an imperial " fu,"[2] the British that of the
[1] Of. ** Conflict,'* chap, xxii, §{ 21, 22 ; chap, xxvi, f 26.
[2] Cf. chap, ii, § 20. The perpetual rent payable for the Liang-kung fu, fxscupied by the British Legation, was TU. 1600 a year. — ^Rennie, '* Peking and the Pekingese,'* i, p. 29.
49
50 THE COUP d'i&TAT OH. ZU
Dul:es of Liang, the French that of the Dukes of Tsin. The newly appointed Russian envoy, General L. de Balluseck, arrived from Kiakhta on July 8th. The American envoy, Mr. Anson Burlingame, arrived at Can- ton in November, and, after spending six months at Shanghai, reached Peking on July 20th, 1862. Mr. Bur- lingame had been instructed that he was to "" consult and co-operate with the British and French ministers, unless in special cases there should be satisfactory reasons for separating from them."[8] This policy of consultation and co-operation, generally directed to the benefit of China and to a large extent influenced by Mr. Burlingame, was the keynote of all action taken diuring the next few years by the small body of foreign representatives then in Peking.
§ 2. To this body admission was now claimed by a fifth envoy in the person of Graf Eulenbiurg, commissioned to negotiate a treaty for Prussia, acting for herself and the other members of the German Zoll- und Handels- Verein.[4] His arrival at Shanghai created some sur- prise : Prussian and other German merchants and ships had managed heretofore without a treaty ; why should they need one now ? He proceeded to Tientsin and declared to Chunghow, the High Commissioner for Trade, his desire to open negotiations. That official also ex- pressed surprise : the treaties made in 1858 with the four powers provided the rules for the conduct of the trade of all Western nations ; Sweden and Norway had, it is true, negotiated a treaty in 1847 ; but when, in 1845, Belgium had claimed the same privilege, her envoy had to be content with an exchange of despatches granting her the right to trade under the procedure established by exist- ing treaties [5] ; and Graf Eulenburg was told that he
[3] Mr. Seward to Mr. Burlingame, March 6th, 1862, U.S. Papers reU Foreign Affairs, 1862, p. 839.
[4] Bavaria, Saxony, Hannover, Wiirtemberg, Baden, Electoral Hessen, Grand-ducal Hessen, Brunswick, Oldenburg. Luxemburg, Qrand- ducal Saxony, Saxe-Meiningen, Saxe-Altenburg, Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, Nassau, Weddeck, Pyrmont, Anhalt-Dessau-Kothen, Anhalt-Bembuig, Uppe, Schwarzburg-Kudolstadt, Schwarzburg-Sondershausen, Reuss elder line, ReuBS younger line, the cities of Frankfurt, Meisenheim and Hozn- burg ; also acting for Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Mecklenburg- Strelits and the Hanseatic cities Liibeck, Bremen and Hamburg.
[6] a, " Conflict," chap, xii, § 13.
1861 PRUSSIAN TREATY SIGNED 51
should be satisfied with what had been granted formally to Belgium, and tacitly to Austria, Italy, Spain, Denmark, Holland and other powers. He was not satisfied, and, on June 28rd, two members of his staff arrived in Peking to prepare lodgings for the envoy, who had resolved to transfer the negotiations to the capital. This step had a good result and negotiations were opened at Tientsin. These were protracted, but all was settled by the middle of August ; and, on September 2nd, the treaty was signed by Graf Eulenburg and by Chunglun and Chunghow.[6] § 8. To the granting of commercial and extraterri- torial rights on an equal footing with other nations, no objections were made, and the treaty included all the stipulations under these heads which had been included in the treaties of 1858. But on one point the Chinese were as determined as they had been in 1858 and 1859 ; they would not grant the right to the Prussian diplomatic representative to reside in Peking, and, trusting to the chapter of accidents, [7] proposed that the right should be deferred for ten years. The period of delay was ulti- mately reduced to five years, but, subject to this modi- fication, the Chinese had their way on the point. The treaty, indeed, recognised the sovereign status of Prussia and granted the right of her envoy to reside in Peking '' at once or eventually, at the option of the Prussian govern- ment "[8]; but, by a separate article of the same date, the exercise of the right was deferred for five years, " by reason of the actual troubled state of China. "[9] A further separate article granted to the Hanseatic cities the right to nominate their own consuls. [ 10 ] The ' * troubled
[6] Treaties, p. 851.
" The PruMian negotiations are at last satisfactorily terxninated, and the only thing now wanted is the Emperor's decree, which he will of oourse issue. Their interpreter. Marques, had a fit of apoplexy, and the Count thereon got [the Baron de] Meritens to aid l£un ; his treaty is thus entirely owing (I believe) to the idea that whatever Meritens asked for would be insisted on by the French. Meritens, by the way, as I suppose you have already heard, goes to Foochow as ComniisBioner of Customs in November." — R. Hart to C. Hannim, Tientsin, Aug. 9th, 1861.
[7] ** It looks very like merely gaining time, in hopes that, before that period expires, all foreign residence in me capital will be at an end." — Rennie, " Peking and the Pekingese,*' i, p. 274.
[8] Germ. tr. Tientsin, 1861, art. ii.
[9] Treaties, p. 872.
[10] Ibid., p. 873.
62 THS COUP d'Atat
state of China " referred ostensibly to the rebellion ; but in the palace there prevailed an equally troubled state, with which it is necessary to deal.
§ '4. After the signatiu'e of the treaty of 1842 a war party continued to oppose its execution and to influence the imperial policy adversely [11] ; the execution of the treaties of 1858 was opposed in the same way by a party bent oh continued resistance [12] ; and the same party opposed the conventions of 1860, both before and after their signature. The final step which opened the way to the cessation of hostiUties in 1860 was the appointment, on September 21st, of Prince Kung as High Commissioner, the fifth within two months ; and on him was imposed the disagreeable but necessary task of accepting the con< ditions exacted by the allies.[18] In doing this, he saved the dynasty, but he alienated the court. Having ap- pointed him plenipotentiary with the most absolute full powers, the emperor on the next day started on an " autumn tour of inspection " — in other words, he and the court fled to Jehol. On the 25th, while on the way, an edict breathing the spirit of war was issued in the name of the emperor ; but on that day he was sick, and his concubine, Yehonala, received the Grand Council in audience on his behalf ; and later, while still